Glass_^
Book -iv^ 7
2-
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XXIII
January, 1930
No. 1
Head of in cspontoon, a sort of halhcrd or pike, which was carifcd Vj,'
hv the c-ommissioncd officers of the Rhode Island militia in the eigh- - /
teenth centur\-. hi (ke Society's museinn. '^
Issued Quarterly
68 Waterman Street, Providence. Rhode Island
'Mm
CONTENTS
Head of an Espontoon Cover
Foreclosure of Mortgage by Suit of Trespass and
Ejectment
by Oscar F. Stetson 1
The Samuel Sewall School Land
by William Davis Miller .... 4
A German Gardener at Newport in 1754 . . 10
Mielatz' Rhode Island Pictures . . . . 13
Notes 15
The Gaspee Commission Box 19
Captain Paine of Cajacet 19
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XXIII
January, 1930
No. 1
Claude R. Branch, President
Howard W. Preston, Secretary
Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard M. Chapin, Librarian
Xhe S()ciet\' assumes no respnnsihilitx tor the ^tatel^eIlts or the
opinions of contributors.
Foreclosure of Mortrag^e by Suit of
Trespass and Ejectment
By (^scAR ['\ Stetson
In examining records of the Superior and Supreme
Ccjurts of Bristol County recently, covering the period
from 1 740 on, we disco\'ered a large number of suits for
Trespass and Ejectment where the sum named in the ad
damnum seemed unusually large, so large, in fact, that is
raised the question as to how such an amount could be in-
volved in a suit of this nature at that period of the his-
tory of the state, especially as the description of the land
in question would not seem to warrant the amount of
money named. Often a house lot of a quarter of an acre
with a dwelling on it would carry an aci damnum of four
or five thousand dollars.
In an examination of the papers filed with the case we
found the explanation. There, filed in e\'idence, was a
warrantv deed with the fi)llowinu condition written at the
2 KHODK ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
bottom of the instrument: "The condition of this convey-
ance is a note of hand given by the grantor to the grantee
which, when and if paid, renders this conveyance null and
void and of no effect."
Thus the suit for Trespass and Ejectment was the popu-
lar way of that time for foreclosing a mortgage. It will be
noted that there was no specification in the warranty deed
or mortgage deed as it really was, as to foreclosure; no
time noted for the payment of the "note of hand": no
default clause or period of default when foreclosure action
could be commenced; no advertising required; no sale de-
manded, either public or private, on the premises or else-
where; in fact, no one of the requirements that make fore-
closure of a mortgage legal to pass title today.
In other words, Hezekiah Usher mortgaged his prop-
erty to William Richardson, thus conveving to Richard-
son good title by a warranty deed with a condition of re-
demption so worded in its breadth that Richardson could
seize the premises at any time that he pleased, depending
only on the time named in the "note of hand." And if
the "note of Hand" was a demand note, the mortgage,,- was
entirely at the niercy of the mortgagee, the n^iortgagee
having perfect right to take the premises mortgaged, at
his pleasure. At that time, whenever it was, that the mort-
gagee concluded that he wished to have the actual pos-
session of the premises for which he held a warranty deed,
therefore he came into Court and recited that he had a
warranty deed of the property in question, and produced
the deed in evidence, and stated that the conditions of the
deed had not been fulfilled by the mortgagor, and in con-
sequence the mortgagor was a trespasser on his, the mort-
gagee's, premises and he wanted him ejected. The mort-
gagor, not having paid his note, and being either unable or
unwilling to do so at the time, had no answer, the evidence
of the deed coupled with the lack of evidence of payment
of the "note of hand" being conclusive proof against him.
Therefore there was no reason for his appearance in Court
l-OKIUI.OSlRi-: Ol" MOKKiACiK
and he was adjudged in default and the Sheriff was di-
rected to pn)ceed to eject him from the premises and de-
liver the pn)pert\- to the mortgagee who already held a
proper deed for it. The average cost of this proceeding
appears to ha\e been about $-(-.85.
The following is an abstract of an actual case taken from
the Bristol record:
Bristol Januar\- Term 1767.
William Richardson of Newport
\'S
Hezekiah Lusher of Bristol
Action of Trespass and Kjectment.
Recites a certain lot of land in Bristol containing by estmia-
tion 3/4 acre with a dwelling house and other buildmgs
thereon standing and bcmncied:
westerly on Hope Street
northerly on King Street
easterly on land of John Howland
southerly partly on land of John Waldron, now of Bill-
ings Throop, and partly on land of Peleg Barker.
Ad damnum £120.
Defendant suffered default.
Judgment for the Plaintiff" to recover the premises.
In the papers hied with the case is the original deed
with the "note of hand" condition making it a mortgage
deed, from Hezekiah Usher to William Richardson of
New^port for £1550 old tenor money (in the margin is
WTitten "£66-8s-l>^d lawful money"). This deed is re-
corded in Bristol Land Evidences, book 4 at page 96.
It will be noted that all this action has taken place in
the C(jurt and that change of ownership has occurred, or
perhaps we should say change of possession has occurred,
without anv necessary record on the Tand E\-idences. The
title examiner is faced with the fact that a mortgagee is
deeding out certain premises as having good title without
an\- Land Evidence record of either foreclosure of his
4 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
mortgage or a deed of sale to him by the mortgagor who
was the last record owner. This has led many an examiner
to conclude that there must have been an unrecorded deed
of some form. Much anxiety has arisen over this cloud in
title, and much time and money has been spent in hunting
up inortgagors heirs and securing proper releases.
We examined carefully the Court records fron^ 1740 to
1903 and found upwards of two hundred fifty of these
foreclosures in Bristol County coming down as late as the
middle of the eighteen hundreds. It is interesting to note
that in consulting a number of practicing attorneys in the
state of all ages, not one knew that such a practice ever
existed in Rhode Island.
The Samuel Sewall School Land and the
Kingston Academy
By William Davis Miller
On the fourth day of February, 1695' Samuel Sewall
of Boston and Hannah, his wife, daughter of John Hull,
the mint master and one of the original Pettaquamscutt
Purchasers, "for and in consideration of the special trust
and confidence that they have and repose in . . . John Wal-
ley . . . and for Love, Kindness and Goodwill which they
bear to the Inhibitants of the Town of Pettaquamscutt, in
the Narragansett Country, otherwise called King's Prov-
ince, as well English as Indians and their posterity . . . and
towards the encouragement of Literature and good Edu-
cation and the maintenance of a Learned, Sober and Or-
thodox School Master in the said Town . . ." gave, under
trusteeship of John Walley, five hundred acres of land,
being the western portion of Sewall's lot numbered fcjur in
'North Ki/it^itrKu/ Laud Evideiire, Book 2, p. 167.
Till-: SAMIKI. SKWAI.I. SfHOOI. LAND 5
the north western part of the Pettaquumscutt Purchase,
the eastern portion of which Sewall deeded to Harvard
College, a year hiter, and from the benefits of which the
Sewall Scholarships are still awarded.
The revenue from the School lands was to be collected
by Walley from which Sewall was to be paid sixpence and
the remai'ncier to be employed in "procuring, settling, sup-
porting and n-iaintaining" the beforementioned much-
qualified school master who was to teach "the children
and youths of the . . . Town of Pettaquamscutt, as well Eng-
lish there settled, or to be settled, as Indians, the Aborig-
inal Natives and Proprietors of the Place, to read and
write the English Language and the Rules of Gram-
mar " They then provided that the choice of the school
master and the site of the school rest in Samuel Sewall and
his wife, during their lives, and after their death, in the
Minister of the Third Church in the Town of Boston
and the Town Treasurer for that Town.
judge Sewall died January 1, 1729-30, anci, his wife
Hanna'h having predeceased him, there is no evidence that
prior to his death he had exercised the right in the choice
of a school master or in the site for the school building.
The duties, therefore, fell upon the Minister of the Third
Church and the Town Treasurer for Boston.
Major John Walley, in whom the trust rested, had also
died before Judge Sewall. It would appear that his son
and executor, John Walley, continued the trust but after
Judge SewalP's death, he allowed, either because of dis-
interest on his part or because of the lack of industry of the
tenant or tenants, the lands to fall into a deplorable state
of neglect. As a result the Town of North Kingstown in
1732^ appointed William Spencer and Nicholas Gardner
to view the land and report its condition. The report,
dated No\ ember 27, 1732, states that the land was leased
in 1718 to Benoni Sweet of North Kingstown, for fourteen
-'Copy in Potter Papers.
O KHODK ISLAXD HISTORICAL SOCIETY
years, who evidentJy was far from a good tenant for the
Spencer and Gardner report stated, "We find on Sd. Land
a Small poor Orchard with Eighty-Eight Small Aple
Trees and A very poor fence about them, and down to the
Ground m Several places, and in Said Orchard a Small
Stone Chm-iny but no house on Sd. Land 5 and to the
Cleanng of Sd. Land we find Some that has been plowed
but the brush is got up in Bunches ... we find the Timber
Cutt and gon off Said Land in Spots, and as to fence on
Said farme we finde none of any Vallew . . . ."
It IS not to be wondered at, therefore, that fudge
SewalPs son, Samuel, in 1736 wrote to the Reverend Do'c-
tor Joseph Torrey,' the Congregational Minister at Tower
Hill, saying "My Hon'd Fathers Gift of 500 Acres of Land
for the Promotion of a School I have been much concerned
in my mind about the Settlement of it. I did the last Week
go with Mr. Hammon to Mr. Walley & we find by dis-
coursing with him that he will not meddle with it nor have
anything more to do with it. I told him I would take a
Letter of Attorney from him & act in the Affair. He de-
clined It & said he would assign it over to me if I would
see him satisfied what he had Expended which is Nine or
Ten pounds. I have promised to give him satisfaction. He
with Majr. Walley's Heirs will assign it over to me & my
Heirs — " Having so succeeded in obtaining control of
the land young Sewall leased it to a "Mr. Astin'" for
fourteen years upon consideration that he build a house
and clear four acres every year until fiftv acres of land
be cleared and fenced in. Sewall concludes" with the hope:
"I shall rejoyce to hear that what is done may be to satis-
faction & that it may be in order to make it profitable for
the end assigned."
Sewall did not remain in the Colonies to see his hope
fulfilled for on July 1, 1775, being an ardent Tory, he
^Original in the Potter Papers.
^Austin.
THE SAMUEL SKWAI.L SCHOOL LAND 7
left for iMigland. l-'or this rc:ist)n in 1780 process was
commenced before the Supreme Court to have the School
Lands confiscated as being the property of Samuel Sewall,
a Tory refugee. The process was dismissed the following
year, April 1781, on the ground that the beneficial estate
in the land was in the people of the Pettaquamscutt Pur-
chase.-'' The title of the land ha\ing been assured, on May
30, 1781, Joseph Eckley, Minister of the Third Church
in Boston and Da\'id Jeffries, Treasurer of the Town of
Boston wrote the following resolution:' "Whereas by a
deed from Samuel Sewal Esqr of Boston & Hanah his
wife bearing date 4 February, 1695, for the purpose of
settling, supporting & maintaining a learned, sober & or-
thodox school master in the Town formerly called Pettas-
quamscut, it appears that we the subscribers are author-
ized to appoint a place where the school house may be
built, & it appearing to us that it may be convenient that
it should be near the meeting house, we do hereby appoint
that the School house be erected on the lot of land for-
merly left bv Samuel Sewal & Hannah, his wife, for the
purpose of building a meeting House in the said town of
Pettasquamscut.
Joseph Eckley, Minister
Of the Third Church in Boston
David Jeffries, Treas""
of the Town of Boston.
Boston 30 May 1781"
This land, containing from one to one and one half
acre, was deeded^ bv the Sewalls to Nathaniel Niles as.
trustee, on "this Three & Twentieth day of September
^Note bv Elisha R. Potter, Jr.
'■■This resolution is endorsed "From Dr. Torrev." The original from
the Potter Papers.
'Sotah Kingstozcn Land Ez-idence, Book II, pp. 1 S3-1 ^+.
O RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Anno Domini one thousand Seven Hundred and Seven
Annoque Regni Anne Regine Angiia &c Sexto". It is sit-
uated on Tower Hill on the easterly side of the Post Road
and on the southerly side of the road leading down the hill
to the Pettaquamscutt or Narrow River, or as designated
in the original deed as the road "across the Hill Toward
the Ferry." There is but slight trace of the building which
stood there but the old grave yard marks the place. Sewall
referred to the proposed gift in his diary under Septeniber
20, 1 706, a year before the deed.
This small lot of land has, on several occasions, been
confused with large tract of three hundred acres laid out
by the Pettaquamscutt Purchasers in 1668 and which, for
fear of naming a specific denomination, the Purchasers set
down on the plat and records as simply "to the Ministry".
This caution, in fact, provokedexactly what it was intended
to prevent, a long controversy for possession between the
Church of England and the Congregational Church.
However, the Purchasers did accomplish the avoidance of
making a difficult decision when the land was first laid out.
This land was situated several miles to the southwest of
Tower Hill, near Worden's Pond, and the woods upon it
are still known as the "Ministerial Woods". Sewall makes
mention of this land in his Letter Book."
The decision of Kckley and Jeffries was carried out
forthwith, a school house built, and school kept there for
over thirty-eight years. Among the "learned, sober and
orthodox" schoolmasters to recei\'e the appointment were:
Constant Southwick, Increase Hewit, John Hazard, Wil-
liam Nichols, Robert F. Noyes, Benj. Hull and Elisha R.
Potter, Sr.''
The nieagerness of the interest from the endowment is
^Seu-alPs Letter Book, W)]. 11, p. 113. {Massachiaetts Historical
Collections, \'()1. \l.)
"From Judge E. R. Potter's notes and also A Statement oj Facts in
Relation to the Funds oj the Kingston Academy. Providence, 1836.
THE SAMTKI. Si:\V.\l.L SCHOOI. l.AXD 9
shown from the terms accepted by Klisha R. Potter to
teach in the \ear 1785. "The Terms which the Subscriber
proposes Teaching a School at the School House on Tower
Hill are as follows: If there are twenty-five scholars
SLibscribVi for the price will be 12 / per Quarter and if less
it will be 1 5 . Wood and whatever will render the School
House coinement to be supply'd by the Employers, and
the subscriber to board himself.
Elisha R. Potter"'"
On the reverse, Potter notes that he commenced to
teach on April 12th, 1785, and from further notes it is
e\-ident that b\- June 7th he had twenty-four scholars.
This school', however, was not the first in the Purchase,
for a short time prior to 1759 a school house was built ni
the village of Little Rest (now Kingston) on Little Rest
Hill. This was built on the land of Robert Potter on the
north side of the main road passing through the village
where the present Post Ofi^ce now stancis. On October 20,
1759, Robert Potter deeded the land, thirty by twenty
feet, to a group of the leading men of the community for
school purposes. The deed states that the school house
then stood on the land. In 1787 we find Elisha Potter
teaching there, after his experience on Tower Hill, with
twenty-three pupils, including the two sons of John Waite,
the silxersmith, and Powel Helme."
As a result of a petition to the General Assembly in
1 752 the court house of King's Count}' had been abandoned
at Tower Hill and a new one built at Little Rest in
1756 Little Rest soon became the leading town in the
Countv, and Tower Hill suffered as a result, many of its
hihabitants remo\'ing to, and building in, the larger village.
It is understandable, therefore, that Joshua Huntington,
the then Minister of the Third Church in Boston, and the
'"This was Elisha R. Potter, Senior. Original in Potter Papers.
''South Kingstozm La>id Ez'hlence, Book 6, p. 110, and notes by
Judge Potter.
10 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Treasurer of that town, Andrew Sigourney, should decide
to transfer the SewaJl School from Tower Hill to Little
Rest. One condition was imposed: that the people of
Little Rest would procure a person to settle in the min-
istry there "and teach the school at the same time."^' It is
evident that a promise to fulfill this condition was made
and kept, for the school was removed to Little Rest in
1819 and a year later the present church built, providing,
thereby, suitable facilities for the person selected to act as
a teacher, both spiritual and temporal.
In 1823 the committee of this school petitioned the
General Assembly for a charter under the name of The
Trustees of the Pettaquamscutt Academy. The charter
was given the May Session, and the Pettaquamscutt Acad-
emy, later to be known as the Kingston Academy, came
into being.
( To be continued. )
A German Cjardcncr at Newport in 175+
Contntnnicaled by Mrs. Lewis A. Waterman
The following nineteenth century translations of the
letters of recommendation of a German gardener, named
Johann Caspar Ohlman are of Rhode Island interest be-
cause Ohlman came to America and settled in Newport
where he married Ruth Hart on September 16, 1766.
The record of this marriage appears in the Newport Vital
Records, but in the printed copies the name is mistran-
scribed Oslman.
From stil] another angle these letters open up the
speculation as to how much this German gardener influ-
enced the developnient of our colonial gardens. Did other
"Judge Potter's Notes.
(iKRMAX GARDKXKK AT XKWI'OKT IN \7 ?A
II
skilled GcrmiuT gardeners emigrate to New England, and
has any trace of this German influence been found in our
early gardens.
"His Highness and nicest powerful Prince, Frederic Au-
gust, King of Poland, Grand Duke of Lithuania, Reussen,
Preussen, Mazovien, Samogitien, Kyovien, \'olhniien, Pa-
dolien, Padlachien, Lifland, Smolensko, Severien, Scher-
nicovien, Duke of Sachsen, Julich, Cleve and Berg, En-
gern and Westphalen, Arch-marshall and Grand Elector
oi the Hoh- Roman Empire, Landgraf of Thuringen,
Markgraf of Meisseti, also of Upper and Lower Lausnitz,
Burggraf of Magdeburg, Prince -gra\'e of Huneburg, Graf
of the Mark Ravensberg, Hanau and Barbev', Seigneur of
Ravenstein.
His presently employed Horticulturist.
1, Johann Jeremias Alnger, do let it be known to each
and all, of high or low Estate, especially to the honor-
able and skillful Gentlemen and workmen who practice
the noble art of gardening, and to those whose pleasures
tend in that direction, who may see and read this letter,
that the bearer of this, Johann Caspar Ohlman, the legi-
timate and youngest son of Master Johann Heinrich Ohl-
man, beer-brewe"r of Bautzen, near Leipzig, has, in order
to learn the art of horticulture and garciening, been taken,
according to customs, in our service as apprentice for the
term of three years, from November 1 749 to November
1752. ' ,
He has not only served and passed the three years_ ot
apprenticeship, but during that time has been faithful,
industrious, honest, obedient, pious, and has conducted
himself as becomes a studious apprentice, and he has given
me great satisfaction.
But he has resolved, with the aid of the Lord, to try his
luck elsewhere, to perfect himself in the art he has learned
from me, and has therefore kindly asked me for a testi-
12 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
menial of his advancement, which I could not refuse him:
therefore, and for his future welfare, do I declare him, on
this day, clear, free and released.
To all whom this letter may reach, I present my kind
regards, and beg that they give full-credit to this my
testimonium, to wit:
To grant Johann Caspar Ohlman, on account of his
from me acquired art of gardening, and for his good be-
haviour, all encouragement and gracious good will and the
best of testimonials, which favors he will, I hope, thank-
fully repay with faithful and diligent service. I shall
always be ready to answer for him at any occasion to each
and every one, and according to rank.
In witness thereof do I hereby affix to this, the appren-
tice indenture, my hand and seal.
Rendered at the Royal Garden of the Residence, Dres-
den, on the nineteenth of November of the year 1752.
The horticulturist to the noble and right honorable Sir,
Mr. Geo. Bosen, renowned merchant of the world-famed
commercial cit\' of Leipzig.
I, Anton Mathias Hort, do let it be known to each and
all in the land, of whatever station of life they may be,
that the bearer, the honest and art-loving Johann Caspar
Ohlman, gardener, born in Bautzen near Leipzig, has been
in my employment for about seven months, during which
time he has always been faithful and industrious. I should
have been glad to allow him to remain in my service, had
he not, for his welfare and ambition, wished to better ( ze-
vati viciter) himself in the praiseworthy art of horticul-
ture, and to try other and better positions.
In this intention has he applied to me for a proper re-
lease of his services, and given communication of his
departure, and I do, herewith, on account of his good be-
haviour, wish to further his welfare. So, should this
release be shown to any one, whether of high estate or
MIKLATZ RIIODK ISI.AXH I'ICTl'RES I 3
li)W-bi)rn, especial 1\' anyone addicted to the art of garden-
ing, or whose pleasures lean towards that art, I pray theni
not only to gi\e full credit to this, but to show the for-
nanied Johann Caspar Ohlman all respect and favor, and
to accord him all benefit to be derived through this, my
recommendation, which favors he undoubtedly will thank-
fully and in all honor repay with ready service.
In witness thereof do I hereby affix my hand and seal.
Gi\'en in I.eipizig m the year of our Lord one thousand
se\'en hundred and fifty-three.
(Signed) Anton Matthias Hort."
According to family tradition, Ohlman was employed
as gardener at \'aucluse, the Klams' country estate in
Portsmouth. Of \'aucluse, Thomas R. Hazard ( Shepherd
Tom) in his Recollections of Olden Times (pages 91-92)
said: "Nearly all the multitude of trees and shrubbery
planted were imported by Mr. Elam from Europe," and
added that Mr. Elam's account books "showed an outlay of
about eighty thousand dollars on the building and orna-
mental portion of the estate alone."
The name Ohlnian was spelled originally and in these
manuscripts with an umlaut, but in Rhode Island the name
ex'entuallv became changed to Ail man.
Miclatz' Rhode Island Pictures
The following list of pictures by C. I'". \V. Mielatz,
which relate to Rhode Island, has been compiled by Mr.
G. Rothwell Burgess. An article on Mielatz' work was
published in the Providence Journal of April 24, 1929.
E rcHiNc.s
Along the Docks, Newport Harbor
Near the Nets, Newport
Early Morning, Newport
14 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Trinity Steeple, Newport
Morning after the Storm, Newport
A Little Street in Newport
Newport Harbor, from Brenton Cove
Old Wreck in the Cove, Newport
Fishing Bridge, Newport
Old Boat Shop, Newport
Stranded, near Newport.
Steamboat Dock, Newport
The \'il]age over the Hill, Narragansett
Evening, Silver Spring
The Haunt of the Hern
Across the Fields
The Passing Storm
A Narragansett Road
Winter Night
Narragansett Shore
Winter in Narragansett
Rock of the Unfortunate Hannah
The Miller's Home
Rainy Day, Providence
Fisherman's Home, Block Island
Swordfish Schooner, Block Island
Old Mill, Block Island
Falls of the Pawtucket River
Morning, Conanicut Island
Sunset, Newport Harbor
Swordfish Schooner, Block Island
A Mill at Block Island
Old Mill, near Newport, R. I.
First Flag, Colon v of R. I.
Falls of Pawtucket
Olympia and , Newport, R. I.
Old Fish House, Newport Wharf
Old Dock, Newport
AINTINGS
Bonita, off Block Island, R. I.
My Casting for Blue Fish, Narragansett Bay
Bridge for Bass Fishing, Narragansett Bav
Newport, R. I.
Along the Shore, Narragansett
Fisherman's House, Narragansett
Notes
The following pcrst)ns ha\e been adniitted to member-
ship in the Society:
Rev. Clarence A. Barhour Mr. S. L'oster Damon
Miss Alice Braytqn Mr, Robert F. Seybolt
Miss Isabel R. Brown William H. Vanderbilt
Mrs. Charles H. Merriman
lV/;eji Dickens Met Clnuuiing and A Clarice at Chan-
n'lng^s FriendsJups^ are the titles oi two papers by Gran-
ville Hicks, which are based in part on letters preserved
in the archi\'es of the Rhode Island Historical Society.
They are printed in The Christ'ian Register of Boston for
July 18, September 5 and September 12, 1929.
Margaret Fuller as a Literary Critic, by Helen Neill
McMaster, is a monograph of KM) pages recently pub-
lished by the Uni\'ersity of Buffalo.
A letter of Joseph Wharton, dated Newport 1864, was
printed in the Bulletin of the Neivport Historical Society
for October, 1929.
The diaries of two Newport mariners, Jonathan Bar-
low and Nicholas Simons, 1724-1725, dealing with their
capture by pirates, which were edited by Robert F. Seybolt
and printed in the Nezv England Quarterly (II, 4), have
been reprinted in pamphlet forni.
An account of Gilbert Stuart as a Miniature Painter
appears in the October, 1929, issue of Antic^ues.
On October 8, 1929, Professor \'erner W. Crane of
Brown University gave a talk before the Society on Henry
Marchant^s Trax-els: A Rhode Ldander in England on the
Eve of the Revolution.
Mr. Arthur H. Armington has compiled a typewritten
15
I 6 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
genealogy of the Armington Family, a copy of which he
has given to the Society.
The Society has recently been fortunate in obtaining a
manuscript orderly book of the Crown Point expedition of
1759. The book contains the name of "Samuel Stoneman
Adiut". Samuel Stoneman was Lieutenant in Capt. Chris-
topher Hargill's 10th Rhode Island Company in 1759
and Hargill's 5th Rhode Island company in 1760. He
was adjutant in 1 760 and perhaps in part of 1759.
Through the courtesy of Mr. Henry C. Dexter, the
gravestone of Governor Joseph Jenckes has been placed
in the Society's Museum.
A collection of eighteenth century manuscripts dealing
with colonial Newport, has been given to the Society by
G. Andrews Moriarty, Jr., F. S. A. Many of these papers
relate to the privateersman, Capt. John Rouse, R. N,
On October 28, 1929, the Colonial Daughters of the
Seventeenth Century, State of Rhode Island Society, dedi-
cated a memorial boulder and tablet at Rumford, East
Pro\'idence, commemorative of the founding of Rehoboth
near that spot in 1644. The inscription reads: "Here Rev.
Samuel Newman and Associates in 1644, Found Ample
Place, 'Rehoboth', for Their Plantation. Near This Spot
They Built Their First Church at the Centre of the 'Ring
of the Town'. Destroyed by the Indians in 1676, Rebuilt
and Enlarged Rehoboth Sent Its Children to Settle Other
New England Towns, Making to the Life of the Nation
Lasting Contributions Now Commemorated by This Stone
and Tablet."
A typewritten \(jlume containing copies of the inscrip-
tions on gra\^estones in fi\'e cemeteries in Bristol, R. I., has
been deposited with the Society by the Bristol Chapter,
Daughters of the American Revolution. The transcripts
were made over thirty years ago by Jaines Augustus Mil-
N(^TES 17
ler, and the typewritten copy of them was made under the
dn"ection of Mrs. William Leonard Manchester.
Nezviy Disro-jered Miniatitres h\ Ed-zcayd Cieejie ]\[al-
bone is the title of a profusel\- illustrated article by Ruel
P. Tolman in the No\ember, 1929, issue of Antiques.
The Society has recently issued a volume of 99 pages
containing the Minutes of the Convention held at South
Kingstozi'Ji, Rhode Island, in March, 1790, irhich failed
to adopt the Constitution of the United States, with an
introduction by Robert C. Cotner and a foreword by Ver-
ner \V. Crane. This volume will be of great interest to
students of constitutional history.
The Bostoji Sunday Globe of September 8, 1929, con-
tains a picture of the watch tower built on Block Islanci by
Mr. Thomas T. Doggett to commemorate the location of
the signal pole on Block Island.
The Cjeorgiana Guild (jenealogical Collection, ci)nsist-
ing of the manuscript notes made by Miss Guild during
her many years of research, will be a mine of inestimable
value to genealogists. Through the kindness of her sister.
Miss Olive Guild, this collection has been gi\-en to the
Society, and is now a\'ailable for use.
Two \'ery thorough and detailed typewritten histories
by Nicholas Ball have been presented to the Society by
Mrs. Schuyler C. Ball One volume of 354 pages deals
with the history and development of Block Island harbors
from 1635 to 1896. The other volunie of 66 pages is an
account of the Block Island light houses, life saving sta-
tions anci cable.
Mr. Thomas A. Jenckes and Mr. Stephen H. Jenckes
have presented to the Society a collection of legal docu-
ments and printed briefs relating to Rhode Island cases,
from the library of their grandfather, the late Thomas A.
Jenckes.
lb RH(JDK ISLAND HTS'lORK AL SOCIETY
The manuscript record book of the Proprietors of Little
Compton, which contains an account of the land grants
from 1673 to 1755 and so is the fundamental source book
for the origin of land titles in Little Compton, has been
photostated and the photostat copy placed in the Society's
library. The Society is indebted to Mr. Henry L Rich-
mond for his generosity and for the hours of time he has
spent in bringing this work to a successful culmination.
On December 10, 1929, Mr. John W. Haley gave a
talk before the Society on Historical Treasures of Rhode
Island y illustrated with lantern slides.
The Political Thought of Roger WilliainSy by James E.
Ernst, is a volume of 230 pages, published in 1929 by the
LIniversity of Washington Press at Seattle. An article on
Roger Williams by Mr. Ernst appeared in the last issue of
the R. I. H. S. Collections.
Through the courtesy of Mr. Charles M. Perry the
Society has obtained a typewritten copy of the manuscript
History of Greene and Vicinity ^ which was recently written
by Squire G. Wood.
The Society has been fortunate in obtaining a copy of
the. Lunar Calendaryhy Moses Lopez, which was published
at Newport in 1806. It is the hrst Jewish almanac pub-
lished in the State. The Society's file of Newport Aiercury
Alnuniacs still lacks a few issues between 1890 and 1911.
Uncle By Gosh of Old South County ^ by Jennie R. Par-
telow, was printed in Boston in 1929, and is the second
book of hers relating to Rhode Island.
C A P T A ] X 1 ' A INK OF C A I A C' I-: T
i<)
The box in which the commission for the intjuin' into the
burning of the Gnspee was sent to Go\'ernor Wanton. <
The box is still preserved in the State House at Providence.
Co!/'fe.<y of Ho'TCiii// W. Preston.
Captain Paine of Cajacet
By H(0WARD M. Chapin
Captain Thomas Paine of Cajacet in Jamestown, mar-
iner, buccaneer, soldier, patriot and churchman, is one of
those picturesque swash -luicklmg pru'ateersmen of the
seventeenth century, who ha\ing made his pile, retired
from the dangers ancH excitement of the sea, to spend his
declining years on shore as a landed gentleman and a pil-
lar of the Church of England. Why so many ex-pirates
joined the Church of England has always seemed to be one
of the unsolved mvsteries of those romantic davs.
20 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Thomas Paine first appears in history in the year of
Grace 1682 as captain of a bark and in command of a crew
of eighty men. He had evidently been a-privateering on
his own account without due papers and commission, but
seems to have confined his activities to preying on Spanish
commerce, or at least had that reputation. Thus it might
be said that he carried on the best traditions of the
buccaneers.
At this time the English government was trying to sup-
press buccaneering and the kindred trade of piracy in the
West Indies, and many self-styled privateersmen finding
that His Majesty's men-of-war interf erred with their
activities, became repentant and sought to give up their
questionable calling and to take up the duties and obliga-
tions of respectable citizens. One Captain Clarke, who is
called "a very honest useful man," approached Sir
Thomas Lynch, then Governor of Jamaica, and pleaded
on Paine's behalf. Lynch wrote, "He told me Payn had
never done the least harm to any and that if I would allow
him to come in, he would engage to bring in or destroy
these other pirates. I thought this likely and advantageous
from creating di\'isions aniong the pirates, so I accepted
the offer and hope per fas aut nejas to put down these
destructive rogues." This letter was written on Novem-
ber 9, 1682, and it is interesting to note that in this very
letter, while referring to piracy and privateers, Sir Thomas
mentions "particularly one Picard in a brigantine," whom
we will hear of later.
From the context of Lynch's letter it would appear that
he considered Paine was one of the throng of self-styled
privateersmen who infested the West Lidies and preyed
on the Spaniards. Apparently the statement that "Payn
had never done the least harm to any" should be taken
advisedly, and meant that he had not preyed on English
vessels or by his behavior involved England in interna-
tional difliculties.
Captain Clarke was successful in his intercession on
CAPTAIN PAIXE OF CAJACKT 21
Paine's behalf and the latter was allowed b\- Governor
L\nch to ''come in" to Jamaica, which was tantamount to
freeing him from possible legal prosecution for past irreg-
ularities at sea.
Captain Paine was dul\' commissioned a privateersman
by Sir Thomas L\nch on October 13, 1682, and was
authorized to seize, kill and destroy pirates and their ships.
Acting under this commission. Captain Paine sailed from
Jamaica in the frigate Pearl, a ship of eight guns manned
with sixty men.
In March, 1683, Captain Paine touched at the Bahama
Islands and fell in with four sea captains of ill-repute:
Captain Conway Wool ley. Captain Markham, John Cor-
nelison, commander of a brigantine from New ^ ork, and
a noted pirate captain known under \arious names as Breha
alias Brashaw alias La\'anza alias Michael Anderson. Cap-
tain Breha was at this time making preparations to sail on
a voyage, which he alleged was for the purpose of fishing
silver from a wrecked Spanish galleon.
Governor Lilburne of the Bahamas said that these cap-
tains entered into a conspiracy to take St. Augustine and
sailed under the command of Captain Paine. Other less
authentic reports state that Breha was in command, but
these reports were doubtless due to the fact that Breha
was more widely known. The five ships sailed under
French colors and hoped to surprise St. Augustine, but to
their discomforture found the Spaniards ready for them.
Abandoning the idea of taking that cit\', they ravaged the
outlying countryside, and plundered a number of small
places. The expedition then broke up, a common occur-
rence among buccaneers, and Paine, Markham and Breha
returned with their spoils to New Prox'idence. (ioxernor
Lilburne immediateh' attempted to seize these ships, but
failed through want of sufficient force.
Captain Paine, not finding New Providence hospitable,
sailed away to a Spanish wreck, perhaps the one Breha had
mentioned, and tried his luck at hshing silver out of the
22 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
old galleon. Governor Lilburne sent a strong force after
Paine, but when this ship reached the wreck, Paine had
sailed northward.
It was rather a convenience for the pirates of those days
to occasionally go a-hunting sunken silver in ship-wrecked
galleons, especially as such quests would account of quan-
tities of plate in their cargo. On the other hand, wrecking
expeditions often were able to do a little unsuspected pir-
acy on the side, so to speak.
Captain Paine in his ship Pearl reached Narragansett
Bay in the summer of 1683 ostensibly from looting a
Spanish wreck. Samuel G. Arnold gives the date of arrival
in a marginal note as July 30, but I have not succeeded in
verifying this date. At any rate, the news of Paine's
arrival had reached Boston by Wednesday, August 15, for
on that date Thatcher, the Deputy Collector, set out for
Newport for the purpose of seizing the Pearly which he
believed was an "unfree bottom." He arrived at Newport
the next day, which he spent in satisfying himself "as to
the character of the ship" as he expressed it. In the eve-
ning he called upon Governor William Coddington and
demanded his assistance in seizing her. Governor Cod-
dington put Thatcher off and agreed to take the matter up
in the morning. Thatcher claimed that some one told the
"pirates" of his plans, and that the delay of overnight gave
Paine and his crew time to arm themselves so as to be able
to resist arrest.
Early the next morning, Friday, August 1 7, Thatcher
went to see Governor Coddington. The latter said that he
had investigated the matter, and that the vessel was a
"free bottom" not liable to seizure, for Captain Paine had
a commission from Sir Thomas Lynch. A conference was
then held, which was attended by Governor Dongan of
New York, Governor Cranfield of New Hampshire, and
Capt. Thomas Paine, as well as by Governor Coddington
and Deputy Collector Thatcher. Captain Paine presented
his commission, which Thatcher, Dongan and Cranfield
CAPTAIN- I'AIXH OF CAJACKT 23
declared to be a forger\". Cranfield claimeci that it was not
Sir Thomas' signature, and the fact that Sir Thomas was
styled one of the gentlemen of the King's Bedchamber
instead of his Privy Chamber, also proved that the com-
mission was forged.
Cranheld, Dongan and Thatcher represented the crown
and, in this case as in others, their wishes seem to hax'e led
them to distort facts. Paine would have had little need to
have forged a commission, when he already had one, as is
proved b\' the letter of Sir Thomas Lynch already quoted.
Governor Coddington, representing the rights of the col-
onists as against the tyranny of the Royal agents, accepted
the commission as genuine, and would not seize the ship.
The next day Thatcher again asked help of Governor Cod-
dington, and the Governor told him to proceed against
Paine in the court if he wished to do so. Thus matters
rested for a while.
Paine settled at Newport, and apparently in the follow-
ing year, 1684, was arrested on the charge of piracy. Wil-
liam Dyer, son of Mary Dyer, the Quaker martvr, and at
this time a ro\al agent with ample powers, wrote on Sep-
tember 12, 1684: "I have also caused Captain Thomas
Paine the arch-pirate, to be secured, and charged the Gov-
ernor of Rhode Island with him and with his own neglect
for not assisting the Deputy Collector to seize him and his
ship." Captain Paine seems to have successfully extricated
himself from these charges for he continued to reside in
Rhode Island.
Thomas Paine married Mercy Carr, daughter oi Judge
Caleb Carr of Jamestown, but the date of the marriage is
not now known, although it was probably in 1687 8. The
Paines resided in Jamestown, and in 1688 Thomas Paine
was drawn on the Grand Jury and served at the session
held at Newport on December 1 1 of that year.
In Jul\-, 1690, Rhode Island was amph' rewarded for
giving shelter seven years earlier to Captain 1 homas
Paine. A fleet of French privateers arrived off the coast
24
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
f*.
u
-J '^
u
CAPTAIX PAINE OF CAJACKT 2j
about Ju]\' 12. The ci)mmandcr was a Captain Pckar or
Picard, who is unquestionably identical with the buccaneer
Pierre le Picard, whom Esquemeling mentions as desert-
ing L'Ollonais, and with the Captain Picard, whom Sir
Thomas Lynch described as a pirate in 1682. Newport
and Jamestown were shocked by the news of the atrocities
committed by these French privateers at Block Ishmd and
an attack upon Newport itself was feared. On July 17 the
Ciovernor and Council met, and in the emergency im-
pressed into the colony's service the sloop Loyal Steele of
Barbadoes, which happeneci to be lying in Newport harbor
at this time. This sloop was armed with 10 guns, manned
with 60 men and placed under the command of the vet-
eran sea fighter, Captain Thomas Paine, who was more
experienced in na\'al warfare than any other resident of
Rhode Island. Captain John Godfrey was placeci in com-
mand of another vessel, probably his own, and ordered to
accompany the Loxal Siede and to act under Captain
Pame's orders.
The achie\'ements of this expedition are best told by an
e\e witness, Samuel Niles.
"Whilst these l-'rench pri\'ateers were making an at-
tempt at New London, the people of Newport htted out
two vessels from thence with volunteers to engage theni,
supposing they were still at Block Island. These vessels
were sloops, under the command of Captain and Comnio-
dore Paine, who had some years before followed the pri\'a-
teering design, and Captain John Godfrey, his second j
and inquiring for the French, they were told, that when
they left the island they shaped their course westward
toward New Londi)n ; upon which our Knglish vessels
stretched off to the stnithward, and soon made a discovery
of a small fleet standing eastward. Supposing them to be
the French they were in quest of, the}' tacked and came m
as near shore as they could with safety, carrxing one
anchor to wear and another to seaboard, to pre\ent the
26 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
French boarding them on each side at once, and to bring
their guns and men all on one side, the better to defend
themselves and annoy the enemy. The French probably
discovered them also, and made all the sail they could,
expecting to make prizes of them. Accordingly they sent
a periauger before them, full of men, with design to pour
in their small arms on them, and take them, as their man-
ner was, supposing they were unarmed vessels and only
bound upon trade. Captain Paine's gunner urged to hre
on them. The Captain denied, alleging it more advisable
to let the enemy come nearer under their command. But
the gunner still urging it, being certain (as he said) he
should rake fore and aft, thus with much importunity at
length the Captain gave him liberty. He fired on them
but the bullet went wide of them, and I saw it skip on the
surface of the water several times, and finally lodge in a
bank, as they were not very far distant from the shore.
This brought them to a stand and to row off as fast as they
could and wait until their vessels came up. When they
came, they^ bore down on the English, and there ensued a
very hot seahght for several hours, though under the
land, the great barque foremost, pouring in a broadside
with small arms. Ours bravely answered them in the same
manner, with their huzzas and shouting. Then followed
the larger sloop, the captain whereof was a very violent,
resolute fellow. He took a glass of wine to drink, and
wished it might be his damnation if he did not board them
immediately. But as he was drinking, a bullet struck him
in his neck, with which he instantly fell down dead as the
prisoners (before spoken of), afterward reported. How-
ever, the large sloop proceeded, as the former vessel had
done, and the lesser sloop likewise. Thus they passed by
in course, and then tacked and brought their other broad-
side to bear. In this manner they continued the fight until
the night came on and prevented their farther conflict.
Our men as valiantly paid them back in their own coin, and
bravely repulsed them, and killed several of them. The
CAPTAIN I'AINE OF CAJACET 27
Captain, before spoken of, with one or more were after-
wards driven on the shore. In this action the continued fire
was so sharp and violent, that the echo in the woods made
a noise as though the limbs of the trees were rent and tore
off from their bodies (as I have observed) ; yet they killed
but one man, an Indian fellow of the English party, and
wounded six men, who after recovered. They overshot
our men, so that many of their bullets, both great and
small, were picked up on the adjacent shore.
"Our men expected a second encounter in the morning,
and their ammunition being much spent, sent in the night
for the island's stock, as the French lay off at anchor but a
small distance from them all night. But having found the
engagement too hot for them, they hoisted their sails and
stood off to sea; and one reason might be this (as was
reported) that their Commodore understood by some
means that it was Captain Paine he had encountered, said,
'He would as soon choose to fight the devil as with him.'
Such was their dialect. Now this Captain Paine, and
Peckar, the French Commodore, had sailed together
a-privateering, Paine captain, and Peckar his lieutenant, in
some former wars. The French standing off to sea. Cap-
tain Paine and Captain Godfrey, and their soldiers,
with the valor and spirit of true Englishmen, pursued
them, but the privateers being choice sailors, were too light
of foot for them. The French, finding that they hauled
on the vessel before spoken of, loaded with wines and
brandy, which was not so good a sailor as the others, and
fearing the English would make a prey of her, fired a
great shot through her bottom, so that when our men came
to her she was sunk under water in her fore part, the stern
alone buoyed up by a long-boat fastened to it; and as she
was standing right up anci down in the water, they could
not get anything out of her. They no sooner cut the
painter, but she instantly sunk to the bottom. They
brought the boat with them in their return, which was the
only prize and troph\- of their \-ictor\'; onl\- as the enem\'
28
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
4
PS ^ \ " " (^ ^ ^^ 2 ■: r>
->
^■^/^^^^l^
\ ^ . .
i^>
A'
C\\^ s^C^ ^A'^ ;; v/^ <f ;^i ^ -%^ ■
3 S>
So ^
en ^
n "a
Ph 5
'a
■5 ^
^ 1
Ui
u
o
CAPTAIN PAINE OF CAjACET 29
were vanquished, and that they had so courageously chased
them off the New England coast. When Peckar heard
that Trimming was kiJJed, he greatly lamented, and said,
he had rather have lost thirty of his men."
Captain Paine was accompanied on this expedition by
his father-in-law, Caleb Carr, and by his wife's brothers,
Nicholas Carr and Samuel Carr.
On September 16, 1690, Captain Thomas Paine and
his father-in-law, Caleb Carr, were appointed tax asses-
sors for Janiestown, and were at this time residents of
Jamestown. Two years later, in 1692, the town of James-
town neglected to choose its militia officers, and the Gen-
eral Assembly on August 2 appointed Thomas Paine cap-
tain of the Jamestown Militia.
Captain Paine's father-in-law, Caleb Carr, was elected
Governor of the Colony, and took up the duties of his
office in May, 1695. Thomas Paine is supposed to have
built the house, which is still standing though considerably
remodeled, on the estate called Cajacet on the east shore
of Conanicut Island near its northerly end. The Paines
resided in this house for many years.
On May 3, 1698, Captain Paine was admitted a free-
man, that is, an enfranchised voter of the colony. It is
extraordinary that Paine should have served on the jury
and been captain of the militia several years before he was
a citizen of the colony.
On Thursday, June 15, 1699, the famous pirate, Capt.
William Kidd, returning from his ill-fated cruise, dropped
anchor in Rhode Island harbor, as Narragansett Bay was
then called. The Collector, in a boat with thirty well-
armed men, went out from Newport to seize Captain
Kidd's vessel, but Kidd hred two great shots and the Col-
lector withdrew.^
Kidd then sailed up the bay as far as Captain Paine's
^Stc R. I. H. S. C. XV, 97.
30 RHODI-: ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
house and anchored ofF Conanicut. He sent his boat ashore
with an invitation to Captain Paine to come and see him.
Paine accepted Kidd's invitation and went aboard the
sloop. It was rumored that at this time Kidd turned over a
lot of gold to Captain Paine.
On July 18, 1699, Sarah Kidd, the Captain's wife,
wrote a letter to Captain Paine asking him to deliver to
the bearer, Andrew Knott, twenty-four ounces of gold
"and to keep all the rest you have in custody for it is all
we have to support us in time of want." This Andrew
Knott later deposed that at this time he went with this let-
ter from Boston to Conanicut and that Captain Paine
delivered the gold to him. These facts, however, were
unknown to the Earl of Bellomont when he visited New-
port on September 29, 1699. He wrote of this visit,
"While I was at Rhode Island I sent for one Pain, a pirate
that has bought an estate on Conanicut Island under the
Government of Rhode Island and has lived there some
years; hearing that he had been on board Kidd's sloop,
while he lay at anchor by Rhode Island, and it being
reported that Kidd left some goods and treasure with him,
I told him he must be examined on oath what he knew of
Kidd and had received of him. He told me three or four
several times he would not swear on any account whatso-
ever. I told him he must then go to gaol and he swore
that Kidd had delivered no goods or treasure to him, but
everybody that was present took notice that his behaviour
was extremely disordered and I fancy believed as well as
I that he did not swear nice truth." It must be remem-
bered that Bellomont's testimony was strongly ex-parte
and that he had a reputation for distorting facts to suit his
own purposes.
Bellomont evidently referred to Paine's deposition of
September 26, 1699, which is still extant. In it Paine
deposed that Kidd desired him "to secure some things for
him." Paine added, "But I refused alleging my house
would be searched and I could not do it."
CATTAIX I'AIXK OF ("Aj ACKT 3 I
While at Newport at this time, Bellomont was pre-
sented a petition, signed by Capt. Thomas Paine and fif-
teen others, asking that a church of England be established
at Newport. This was the beginning of the historic
Trinity.
Some two months later Bellomont records that while
searching Captain Knott's house, a small trunk was found
which contained some remnants of East India goods and
a letter from Mrs. Kidd to Captain Paine. This letter we
have already referred to. Bellomont forthwith had Cap-
tain Knott examined and he cieposed that 'Mie fetched the
goki for Kidd from Capt. Thomas Payne on Connonicut
Island." Bellomont then "posted away a message to Go\'-
ernor Cranston and Col. Sanford to make a strict search of
Paine's house befcjre he could have notice. It seems noth-
ing was then found, but Paine has since produced eighteen
ounces and odd weight of gold, as appears by Go\'ernor
Cranston's letter of November 25 and pretends twas
bestowed on him by Kidd, hoping that may pass for a
salvo for the oath he made." The Earl adds, "I think 'tis
plain he foreswore himself and I am of the opinion he has
a great deal more of Kidd's goods still in his hands. He is
out of my power and being in that government 1 cannot
compel him to deliver up the rest." Here the matter
seems to ha\'e ended save for subsequent rumors in regard
to buried treasure.
Thomas and Mercy Paine lived quietly for many years
at their home at Cajacet. In 1706 during Queen Anne's
War, Captain Paine was again called upon to serve his
country. On June 2 of that year an emergency- expedition,
consisting of two ships and 120 men, was sent in pursuit of
a French privateer commanded by Captain Charles Fer-
ret of Petit Goave. This expedition was commanded
jointly by Major William Wanton and Capt. Thomas
Paine, now an old man, but invaluable on account of his
experience. The French pri\-ateer was captured and
brought into Newport as a prize on June 6.
32 RHODF. ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Captain Paine made his will on June 28, 1714, and died
the following spring, 1715. The will was probated May
17, 1715, and in it Paine mentions his three nephews,
John Paine of Newport and his brothers, Thomas Paine
and Samuel Paine, the sons of Captain Paine's brother,
Andrew. Captain Paine left a ring to his friend, Capt.
Thomas Newton of Bristol, and left the residue of his
estate to his widow. The\' had no children.
It w^ould be interesting to know if Capt. Thomas New-
ton of Bristol is identical with the Thomas Newton who
was for many years Attorney General of Massachusetts,
and if so, if this friendship had been of assistance to Cap-
tain Paine in extricating him from the legal difficulties
resulting from his buccaneering enterprises.
The widow, Mercy Paine, signed a deed on May 16,
1716, and died in 1717. The day of the month was the
12th, but the name of the month is obliterated in the
record.
The Paines were doubtless buried on their farm on
Conanicut Island.
Mr. George T. Paine, at one time President of the Rhode Island
Historical Society and an authority on the genealogy of the Paine fam-
ih', sought to identify our Captain Thomas Paine with the Thomas
Paine of Marthas \'ineyard who was born on February 8, 1632, and
was iifteen vears of age in 1647. This youthful Thomas Paine of
Marthas \'inevard was son of Thomas Paine, merchant of London,
latelv deceased, and held lands and tenements in Whittlebury in North-
amptonshire. His mother, the widow Jane Paine, married Thomas
Ma\-hew, Governor of Marthas \'ineyard, and on October 1+, 1647,
young Thomas chose them as his guardians. This Thomas Paine had a
sister Jane, who married her step-brother, Thomas Mayhcw, Junior,
and if this Thomas Paine is identical with Thomas, the buccaneer, he
must also have had a brother Andrew. In November, 1647, the business
affairs of voung Thomas Paine were turned over to the care of Capt.
Robert Harding and Mr. Samuel Shepheard. Thomas disappears from
Marthas \'ine\ard, and may \vell have gone to sea and turned
privateersman.
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XXIII
April, 1930
No. 2
iJ'^
%.
"o
FIREPLACE AND OPEN CUPnOARO IN THE
STEPHEN HOPKINS HOUSE, PROVIDENCE
See Page 55
Issued Quarterly
68 Waierman Street, Providence, Rhode Island
CONTENTS
Early College Performances of Otway
in Providence by Harold Karl Halpert . 33
The Samuel Sewall School Land and
The Kingston Academy by William Davis
Miller 42
Map of PawtLixet, 1661 48
Notes 50
Heraldic Note, Dyer 53
The Stephen Hopkins House
by Norman M. Isham . . Cover and 54
Dance Regulations of 1747 . ... 56
Map of Tittle Compton, 1774 .... 60
Treasurer's Report . . . . . . 61
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
'***«».i«i*'^
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XXIII
April, 1930
No. 2
Addison P. Munroe, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Ho\vard M. Chaimn, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibilit\' for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
Early College Performances of
Otway in Providence
By Harold Karl Halpe
RT
On May 27, 1782, Rhode Island College (now Brown
University ) reopened after having been closed since De-
cember 7, 1 776. The entering class had grown up with the
idea of liberty, not only in politics, but in the arts and
sciences as well. The new books purchased for the college
library were strikingly secular as compared with those that
former students had used. The 700 pounds set aside for
books in 1 784 went for the works of such writers as Colley
Gibber, William Congreve, and John Dryden.' Among the
other books ordered from London at this time was the
three-volume 1757 set of Otway's works.'
The eighteenth century placed Otway next to Shake-
'History of Brown University, Professor W. C. Bronson, p. 109.
"History of Brown University, Professor W. C. Bronson, p. 109.
33
34 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
speare^ and already in this country, some of Otway's plays
had been performed m pioneer dramatics. Clapp, in his
History of the Boston Stage^ writes of two young Eng-
lishmen, who in 1750, "assisted by some volunteer com-
rades from the town" performed the Orphan at a coffee-
house in that city.' But Massachusetts, still a stronghold of
Puritanism in 1750, frowned on the disturbance made by
an eager audience, and immediately passed laws forbid-
ding stage-plays.* Two years later, on February 20, 1 752,
Robert Upton, who had been sent to New York by Wil-
liam Hallam, then manager of Goodman's Fields Theatre,
to make arrangements for the establishment of a playhouse
in that city, gave a performance of Otway's Venice Pre-
served at the Nassau street theatre."
Plays were performed in Providence as early as 1762
by Hallam's Virginia comedians, a company well reputed
for its refinement as well as for its ability.'' This English
company started its theatrical activity at an "Histrionic
Academy" on Meeting street, east of Benefit street, near
the cadet gun-house.' In a petition sent to the General
Assembly, August 23, 1762, some four hundred citizens
objected, however, to the production of stage-plays ^'' and
the very next day, a bill forbidding plays and playhouses
was pushed through both houses of the assembly." John
Brown, the most prominent citizen of the town, signed an
address begging permission for the actors to give their per-
formances. Indeed, so zealous was he for the cause of the
drama that, just before plays had been conclusively de-
clared unlawful in Providence, he frustrated the impatient
reformers, who threatened to mob a theatrical perform-
"Annals of the New York Stage, George C. D. Odell, p. 3 3.
■^History of the Providence Stage, George O. Willard, p. 4.
•'Ode]],' p. 44.
''Wi]]ard, p. 5.
'Wi]]ard, p. 12.
^'Willard, p. 13.
•'Providence in Coionia] Times, Gertrude S. Kimball, p. 308.
Che
Tvvn^
C A P I N.
s c E i^^:$^^
EnUt O c T A V I A K and\x^ij0if ,
tat,
OCT AVI AJJ.
•^ T ^*V W"^** Monlh*.
; I dtJ doc «)rp«Ail^K'j
'^t\ ||itiiro Months, aod >ret your fiif.ht i|> I
Tn but too true. ^
kocTAFiAN. s,%:Tr
That he arriv'd this Mgiing f
sWj f T.
This very Momiog-
OCT J r /AN.
I- And tbMt lie m come wit& «Re(olaioii to nvprry. 9^
SHJFf,
■Mirtti^M %- „ ■
r> <
35
NICHOLAS brown's RECORD OF THK APRII,, I 78 5, PERFORM ANCK OF THE
CHEATS OF SCAPIN
Page 253, Vol. I, Works of Mr. Thojnas Oizcay, (London, 1757)
i/j the John Hay Library, Brown University
36 RHODF. ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
ance, by borrowing a cannon from the neighboring gun-
house for the protection of the theatre.'" By October, 1 774,
however, Congress passed an act which definitely closed all
the theatres in all the states/'
No theatrical performances are recorded for Providence
from August, 1762, until late in December, 1792, when
Joseph Harper's company performed at the Court Houses
and it has been assumed that there were none. To be sure,
Professor Bronson points out that the college laws of 1783
emphasized public speaking and disputes ^ he tells us that
there was a "Pronouncing Society", whose purpose was to
improve the art of speaking, but that "athletic, musical and
dramatic clubs were undreamed of, and indeed there
would have been little leisure for them with the prescribed
routine."" Prohibition, however, does not prevent boot-
legging, even of drama; and it is to the credit of the
students of Rhode Island College that they gave a per-
formance of ^'oung's Revenge, with Otway's Cheats of
Scaphi as an afterpiece, in April, 1785 ;'' and repeated the
farce in 1792 before Joseph Harper was allowed to per-
form in Providence.
The evidence for these performances is written in the
1757 edition of Otway, bought by the college in 1784, and
still in the John Hay library. On page 253 of the first
volume, written across the first page of the Cheats of
Scapiri, is the following inscription:
"Acted in the Hall in Provid | ence] " by the Gentlemen
preceding the Printed Characters [,]" as a Farce to the
"Revenge ["]'' April: 1785 With Great Applause Nicho'
Brown".
I'Wlllard, p. 15.
"Willard, p. 10.
•^"Bronson, p. 1 0 5.
^^Two years before, Dennis Ryan's company had presented the
^Cheats of 'Scafin in far more liberal New York, on June 28, 1783, as
an afterpiece to Home's Fatal Discovery. (Odell, pp. 226-227)
i^These characters have been cut away by the bookbinder.
EARLY COLI.KCK I'KKFORM AXCKS OF OTWAV
37
Ihis must have been a public performance, because the
whole student bociy, which in 1785 consisted of thirty-
seven young men, eight of whom took part in the farce,
hardly furnished a sufficient audience. Nicholas Brown^
who took the part of Octavian and signed himself as the
secretary, either of the society or the enterprise, wrote
"preceding the Printed Characters" on page 208 the names
of the cast. When after hard wear the book was rebound,
the binder trimmed the edges so well that only the last
letters of these names remain j but I have completed the
list by consulting the class lists between 1786 and 1788.
As there were only thirty-seven undergraduates, there can
be virtually no doubt as to the accuracy of the following
cast:
MEN
I Woo Ids
I Car Iter
! Br I own
' Ann I an
At] well
Kol I lock
Blacki jnton
Cro I uch
Bo I wen
Jabez
WOMEN
Thrifty
Ciripe
Octavian
Leander
Scapin
Shift
Sly
Lucia
Clara
Under this cast we find the following inscription:
"A true copy W^itness Nicholas Brown, Sec." The edge
of the page reveals another phrase, "Acted in the Hall, ."j
but the rest of the sentence has been cut away.
All but three in this list were in the class of 1786, the
first class to graduate after the Revolution. Crouch was in
the class of 1 787, while Atwell and Blackinton were in the
class of 1788. Our only uncertaint\' concerns the Annan
38 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
who played Leander, since there were two Annans in the
class of 1786. There is also the name Shaw written oppo-
site the name of Scapin on page 208 ; and we cannot deter-
mine whether this was a reference to Jahaziah Shaw in the
class of 1792, or to John Shaw in the class of 1805. The
name would seem to indicate that this Shaw was a substi-
tute for the part.
Seven years later, in 1792, liberal Providence was in
favor of repealing the laws against the drama. The suc-
cessful Cheats of ScapiJi was evidently revived; for oppo-
site the first appearance of each character in the text is
written, in a hand not Nicholas Brown's, the name of a
student in the class of 1792. We do not know just when
the play was given, but it must have been perfornied be-
fore the commencement in September, 1 792. If it were a
senior play, as the cast might indicate, it must have been
given between 1791 and 1792. The names appear in the
following order;' "
Peter x^lden Octavian
Paraclite Tew Shift
Jahaziah Sha[w]'" Scapin
R[ichard]" Stites Clara
Eben|ezer]" Withingtofn |" Thrifty
Nfathaniel | ' Hazzard" Gripe
[ Bildad | ' ' Barney Leander
When the class graduated, Th(jmas C. Hazard, another
senior, delivered an "Oration on the Theatre."
So encouraging now was the outlook for drama in Provi-
dence that Joseph Harper, arrested in Boston for giving
plays, decided to come to the town in 1792. Here he ar-
rived late in December, obvioush' some months after this
•"^No names appear beside the parts of Sly and Lucia.
■'"'^These letters have been cut away.
-^'I have completed the names Irom the 1792 class list.
■"^This name has onlv one "z" in the catalogue.
Pcrfons rcprcfented in tlic Tr a g f. d v.
M E N.
Titmt Veffafutn, F.mperor of Rt-nt, Mr. Btiterttn.
AHlf»<hui, King of Ccosi/^i'/rr, Mr. Snttf!'.
PauUnus, ilic KinpfrorN ConfiJcnf, Mr. M,.u:urr.
Arfmut^ AutioKLui his L'ontiJent, Mr. C'cjly.
\ Rutihus, a Iribune, Mr. CiL'txi:
i W O M F. N.
* B<.eni,f,QviCcn of P.iffjim/, ^Tr;. /.,r.
I PitCKUf, her Contidciu, Mr«. Bany.
The S C E N E. ^ O M E.
R Perfons rcprcfented in the F a r c f. J
Wr«^<j-4 Cheat, #eMu^ ^ ^-. Jnth. Lctgf-. ■ -"
5v' i ^<'''/"" Imlromcnu, | ,^^^* '^ ;^. j,i
U«^v<^/'<z> TAr//>;¥1>.*jj;hrpT. J^^l^^^^Bhrrj.
^k^'tira, Crtjk't Oa^^ht<n. HtHu
'When after hard wear the book was rebound, the binder trimmed the
edges so well that only the last letters of these names remain . . ."
Page 208, \'ol. I, Works of Mr. Thomas Otzvay, (London, 1757)
ifi the John Has Library, Brozcii Unhersity
40 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
second college performance of Otway's Cheats of Scaphi.
Harper was permitted to present dramas at the Court
House, on condition that the receipts for every fifth night
should be turned over to the town treasury/'' Three years
later, in 1795, many prominent citizens came together to
make plans for the building of a real theatre. John Brown
gave the lot at the corner of Westminster and Mathewson
streets, where the Grace Church now stands, and he also
subscribed for seven shares of stock.'"
In 1803, during the third term, there was another per-
formance of the Cheats of Scapin. The actors in this pro-
duction belonged to the class of 1805. Their nanies are
also listed on page 208 of the first volume of Otway's
works :"^
""[John] Shaw Thrifty
[John I Howe Ciripe
I Benjamin] James Octavian
[Samuel P.] Loud Leander
I Samuel] Deane Scapin
I Philip M.] Fiske'' Shift
JBoJling M.] Walker Sly
Under the circumstances, of course, audiences were not
to be shocked; and the text is freely expurgated with pen
marks, even to such terms as "damme", "damnably", "a
pox on him", as well as the immodest reference to babies
contained in the phrase, "after the getting of 'em". The
true and eternal undergraduate is represented in other
'^'WiUard, p. 21.
-"Willard, p. 2 5.
~^We do not know who took the parts of Lucia and Clara.
""I have supplied the first names of the performers from the 180 5
class list.
"^This PMskc belongs to the class of 1803. There was a Fisk, (no
final "e") in the class of 1805, but the handwriting in the Otway
shows a final "e".
EARLY COLLKCK I'KRIOR M ANCKS OF OTWAV 4I
inscriptions, such as, "A. Draper wrote this, 1767". One
student wrote at the enci of Act III of Friendship in Fash-
ion y one of Otway's indecent comedies: "Mr. Otway you
are too bad you raise my animal vigour to an high pitch."
He comments agani after Go(jd\ile's declaration to "Love
where 1 please": "Not as you knows off." On another
page, in regard to the ridiculous scene in the Soldier^s
Fortioie^ where Davy Dunce is persuaded that Beaugard
is a ghost, one student wrote: "Taken from Shakespeare."
Another was contemptuous enough to comment: "A
damn'd foolish thought." One student wrote after the
Atheist: "Your end is better than your beginning, Otway."
Another says in the volume which contains the comedies:
"Each of these plays is spoiled at both ends anci in the
micidle." Still another, perhaps dissatisfied with the re-
marks, added a cryptogram in pencil: "B not yy ^^"'^^
for if \'ou B you c how A fool you B." At the end of
Alcibicides another reader deplores the art of Otway in
this comment: "How much more interesting this play had
been if truth had guided the pen of the author, if he had
adhered to historical facts."
Someone jotted the name of Mason Shaw opposite the
name of despicable Antonio in the notorious comic scene in
Venice Preserved ^ either as an undergraduate compliment,
or possibly to indicate the actor of the part. Indeea, this
play has several stage directions in the text, but not enough
to indicate that it was ever presented.
One of my most interesting discoveries in Volume III of
the set is a group of comments in shorthand. I have iden-
tified the system as that of John Byron's froni a copy of
his Universal English Shorthand ( Manchester, 1 767), but
I have not transcribed the notes with any degree of success.
This copy of Byrom's shorthand book is also in the John
Hay librarv.
42 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The Samuel Scwall School Land
and the Kingston Academy
( Concluded)
William Davis Miller
It was shortly after the year 1819, when the Sewall
School was moved from Tower Hill, that several of the
leading men of Little Rest purchased an eighth of an acre
of land situated on the easterly side of the North Road of
that village and built thereupon a school house for the use
of the school. On March 1 3, 1 823, these same men, "to aid
in raising the present school into an academy, to be called
the Pettasquamscutt Academy" agreed to give this prop-
erty to the academy "whenever such academy shall be in-
corporated."^
This was accomplished at the May Session of the Gen-
eral Assembly in the same year and a charter was granted
providing that Oliver Brown, Elisha R. Potter, James
Helme, Robert F. Noyes, Thomas R. Wells, Thomas G.
Taylor, Wilkins Updike, John T. Nicholls and William P.
Newall . . . hereby are made and constitute a body politic
and corporate ... by the name and style of the Trustees
of the Pettasquamscutt Academy for the purpose ... of
erecting said school now called the Pettasquamscutt School
into an Academy."' It is to be noted that in the charter there
was nothing expressed or implied that the avails of the Sew-
all land were to be used for this academv. It is evident that
^Original in the Potter Papers.
"From the Record Book of the Kingston Arademy. From the collec-
tion of the late Judge Elisha R. Potter. F. R. Potter, Sr., was the first
president of the Trustees and his son, Judge Potter, later acted as Sec-
retary and was ako head of the Classical Department.
THE SAMUEL SEWALL SCHOOL LAND 43
the a\'ails were intended to continue as being part of the
income of the new academy and therefore, to increase them
and to place the matter on a better foundation the Trus-
tees of the academy petitioned the General Assembly that
the land be sold and the sums so received be placed in the
hands of the Treasurer of the Academy. The petition sets
forth "that after the decease of both the aforesaid grantors,
viz. on the 13 Nov. 1736, the heirs at law of the aforesaid
John Walley transferred b\' their deed of that date, all
their right, title, interest and trust ... to Samuel Sewall,
Esq. son of the original grantors . . . that the said Samuel
Sewall about 48 years since, viz. in the year 1 775, left the
United States and went to foreign parts . . . "' It is there-
fore on this ground that the Trustees of the Academy base
their claim to the avails and to the right to request the sale
of the land. The petition further states that the Minister
of the Third Church and the Town Treasurer of Boston
were still acti\'e in the appointment of the teacher for the
school.
The Assembly referred this petition to a special commit-
tee, and upon its fav^orable report, the Act permitting the
sale of the lands was passed. The land was sold in April,
1 825, and the report made two months later showed a bal-
ance of $4,268 which was invested, as provided in the act,
and turned over to the Treasurer of the Academy.^
Subsequently there was adverse criticism of this action
of the transfer of the funds into the hands of the Trustees,
and in 1836 the Trustees felt themselves called upon to
publish a defensive statement." This statement sets forth
that "the power of the Legislature to place the funds in
^A StateniCNt of Farts in relation to the juruls of the Kingston
Acadefnx, Providence, 1836.
''Original statements in the Potter Papers and entered in the Record
Book.
■''See Note 3.
44 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
the hands of the present Trustees, we believe has never
been disputed. . . . The original Trustees or their heirs,
having neglected the trust, and there being no person em-
powered to manage the land or to procure a schoolmaster,
it became necessary that the new Trustees should be ap-
pointed for that purpose." They further state that for
several years a certain amount was set aside for charity
scholars and that scholars from the Pettasquamscutt Pur-
chase received special attention and were not in any way
prejudiced by the many scholars received from without
the Purchase. In ending the Trustees "challange the
severest scrutiny into their conduct, and they are not only
ready but anxious for an investigation of the whole sub-
ject by impartial judges and a legitimate tribunal."
In the meantime the Academy was steadily growing
and the minutes in the old record book are an interesting-
commentary on its progress and subsequent decline:
"August 23, 1825 . . . \'oted That Asa Potter be
employed for the ensuing year, as Preceptor, of the
Academy . . . and that he receive toward his compensa-
tion one hundred and tifty dollars from the avails of the
funds of the Academy.
September 1, 1825 Voted That the Treasurer be instruc-
ted and authorized to . . . recast the Academy bell. . . .
By Act of the General Assembly of the State of Rhode
Island etc holden at Newport, in May, 1826, the name
Kingston was substituted for Pettiquamscut in the name
of the Academy. . . .
August 30, 1826 engaged Mr. Elisha Atkins as Pre-
ceptor. . . . stipulating to give him for his services one
hundred & fifty dollars from the Treasury beside the Tui-
tion of the scholars.
March 26, 1829 it was proposed to divide the Academy
into two departments, one to be kept by the Preceptor and
limited principally to the Learned Languages and the
higher branches of an English Education; the other for
THK SAMIKL SICWALI, SCHOOL LAND 45
the more common branches of English to be kept by an
Assistant
Jul}' 14, 1830 \'oted that a morning recitation in the
Academy be recomniencied to the Instructors. . .
May 27 1831 \'oted, that the Treasurer be authorized to
provide blinds for the South and East winciows of the
Academy "
Voted, that the Trustees attend all public examinations of
the Academy, or in default thereof pay to the Treasurer
for each absence one dollar
December 1 5, 183 1 . . . Mr. William Gammell of New-
port was engaged (as principle) . . . .'
March 12 1832 Voted, That the Treasurer be authorized
... to have printed 400 copies of the Catalogue of the
Trustees, Instructors & Students of the Academy from
A. D. 1819 to the Term ending April 26, A.D. 183i. . . .'
April 9. 1832 Voted that Elisha R. Potter, Jr. be engaged
as Instructor in the Latin SchooJ Mr Gammell wishing
to resign.
June 25, 1832 That the Treasurer be . . . authorized to
hire . . . four hundreci dollars. for the purpose of en-
larging the Acad'y. . . .
April 3 1834 Voted that the tuition fee in the higher
branches of the Mathematics shall hereafter be four dol-
lars.
January 7, 1836 Voted that the Standing Committee be
authorized to take measures for the establishment of a
female school as a branch of the Academy . . .
March 17, 1836 Voted that the charges for instruction in
the different branches of knowledge taught in the Academy
be as follows; viz; for the comnion English studies to
those belonging to Pettiquamscut Purchase, two dollars;
''This Acadcm\' building was burned to the ground in 1SX2.
'Later professor at Brown University.
*This catalogue was reprinted in 1901.
4.6 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
for do to scholars from out of the Purchase; three dollars:
for surveying, navigation and the higher branches of
mathematics; four dollars; for the Latin and Greek
languages, five dollars, pr quarter.
Voted, that the President sign and forward to the Minister
of the Third Church in Boston and the Treasurer of said
City a letter explaining the present situation and circum-
stances of the Academy. . . .
November 18, 1843 Voted that the Lower room of the
Academy be leased to the 1 rustees of the Sewal Fund
for a rent of $25 per annum.
Under the entry of July 23 184-t- the Presicient is au-
thorized to lease the Academy building and grounds to
School District No. 3 for a period of twenty years with the
provisions that "they permit the Sewal Trustees to keep
their school therein without any charge therefor for rent
upon the scholars from within the District . . ." This is
the last entry in the record book pertaining to the Academy
relative to its connection to the Sewall Fund.
It has already been noted that there was criticism of the
Academy Trustees regarding their use of the Sewall Fund;
a criticism so serious that it had called forth a detailed
statement of justification on their part. The matter was
evidently carried still farther and a correspondence with
the Minister of the Third Church and the Treasurer of
Boston is recorded. The end of this situation came in 1 840
at the May term of the Supreme Court when a decree was
entered prescribing the manner in which the Sewall Fund
should be employed by the Trustees and, shortly after-
wards, a further decree removed the fund from the
Trustees and placed it in the hands of others. For a while
the Academy and the Sewal Fund Trustees occupied the
:same building, as is shown by the entry of November 18,
1 843, but friction was apparent and, as result, the Academy
built a new building. On August 31, 1853 the new school,
known as the Kingston Seminary, was dedicated "in the
THE SAMUKL SEWALr, SCHOOL LAND
47
presence of a large and highly respectable audience." This
school was at first for both boys and girls but two years
later it was changed to the Kingston Female Seminary,
encountered difficulties and in 1861 the building was
mortgaged and two years later, sold."
Before concluding, it is of interest to examine the cata-
logue issued by the Academy under the authorization of
March 12 1832. The Teachers of the Classical Depart-
ment were, from time to time, Nathaniel Helme, Hin-
man B. Hoyt, William G. Hammond, Asa Potter, Wil-
liam Gragg, Elisha Atkins, Henry M. Davis, William
Gammell and Elisha R. Potter, Jr. Christopher Com-
stock would appear to have remained the head of the Eng-
lish Department throughout. That the list of scholars
contained the names of many men well known in the State
and also those of other States and foreign countries is
shown from the following extract from the catalogue:
Henry M. Aborn, Warwick^ Benjamin B. Adams,
Providence; Albert Babcock, Westerly; Thomas S. Boz-
man, West Indies; Stephen Branch, Providence; Henry
Bull, Newport; William Bule, Matanzas, Cuba; Antonio
Ramos Silveira Coutinho, Fayal, Azores,'" Joseph Rodri-
quez y Duval, Minorca, Medit'n; Charles H. D'Wolf,
Newport; Christopher Green, Powtowomut; William
Harris, Cranston; Mark Anthony D'Wolf Howe, Bristol;
William D. Davis, N. Kingstown; Benj. P. Ravenal,
Newport; Alexander G. Coffin, Nantucket, Mass.; Henry
Hoppin, Jr., Providence; Henry Lippitt, Providence;
Francis Grinnell, New Bedford, Mass.; Charles Sabin,
■'State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations at the End of the
Century, Edward Field cd., 1902. \'o!. II, p. 361, and also Record Book
of the Kingsto?! Academy.
'"With reference to pupils from foreign countries it is interesting to
note an entry in the minutes of the Records of the Kingston Seminary:
"It was adopted as a rule that hereafter pupils from abroad will be re-
quired to present testimonials of good moral character."
48
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
./'"
t'zi^^'"
ti. 'it'
'^J:t*tk^-^'^^^'"'i
.^
'^ : -^
(^h^j^/tln -^i'vrf^^ ■l^f'.u^i^
^
I
f<^*^
..*■
4^%^
'St
\
Map showing the land and houses at Pawtuxet. From a d
MAP OF PAUruXET
4^
:* - « » C'/' .J - fit- ^—' , Oi
'-"'<'-'-.
k'.totu.
,U'
's 2r
• '*-./.. s
ii^^v*
^ uatiaco
u*::.
' -L**-^^-*-
.-*'i^-
^<^>- V-*^-
^.,^^r'<s'*'
\S> 7
/6(5; /•// r/ie Society's liurury. (R. I. H. S. M. 9]S.)
50 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Providence; John H. Wells, Kingston and Charles A.
Scott, Charleston, S. C.
Tuition fees have been noted in the minutes of the
meeting, but there are other items of expense which are
of comparative interest to-day as; "The price of board
including washing, in the family of the English Instruc-
tor," or in other private families is $1.50 per week."
This was later increased by twenty-five cents. "A trifling
sum" was also added to this in winter for light and fuel.
Regarding discipline the following was promulgated: "It
is expected that the pupils be accountable to the Instruc-
tors for all improprieties of conduct — that they attend
regularly the public worship of the sabbath, and on all
occasions exhibit a fair moral character — that they always
ask permission of the Instructors for absence from town,
from church, or from the stated exercises of the Academy.
The Instructors will always aini to exercise over their
pupils a paternal government, and to form within them
decidedly moral and useful characters."
NOTES
The Texas AionihI\\ for November, 1929, contains an
article on the origin of banking in Texas, in which there are
many references to Samuel May Williams, one of the early
Texas bankers. He was born in Providence, R. I., Oct. 4,
1795, and was the son of Howell Williams.
The Afitjquar'uuiy for January, 1930, contains an illus-
trated account of a Goddard tea-table by Norman M.
Isham.
"The house of Christopher Comstock, the English Instructor, was
situated next to the Academv on the North. The house still stands and
is to this day known as the Comstock House. Certain details of its ar-
rangement still evidence its occupancy b}' the pupils.
NOTES
51
The fi^llowing persons have been admitted tu member-
ship in the Society:
Mr. Josiah M. Barnev
Mrs. Herbert G. Beede
Mr. Thomas B. Card
Miss Eunice W. Dexter
Mrs. Harriet M. F. Dixon
Hon. Peter G. Gerr\-
Miss Maude E. Armstrong
Gen. John J. Richards
Miss Lucy T. Aldrich
Mr. Thomas L. Pierce
Mrs. Augustus A. Wolf
Mrs. F. H. Peckham
Mrs. R. C. Davis
Miss Esther F. Greene
Dr. Katherine F. Peckham
Dr. Arthur M. Potter
Mr. Charles H. Welling
Miss Helen G. Calder
Mr. Joseph G. Henshaw
Miss Mary G. Henshaw
Mrs. Edward H. Weeks
Mr. Edward H. Weeks
Mr. Percv J. Wilson
Mr. William L. Joyce
Dr. Lewis H. Kalloch
Mrs. C. K. Rathbone
Miss Mary A. Harris
Mrs. G. Richmond Parsons
Mr. Kenneth Shaw Safe
Mr. Harry V. Mayo
Mr. Thomas A. Jenckes
Mr. Harry B. Sherman
Benjamin T. Tefft, IVI.D.
Mrs. William P. Buffum
Mr. Leonard M. Robinson
Mr. David Duncan
Mr. Henry A. Street
Frank A. Cummings, M.D.
Mr. Walter H. Stearns
Mrs. Eugene P. King-
Mrs. Eugene S. Gra\'es
Mr. William A. Spicer
Mrs. Frank W. Tillinghast
Joseph Smith, M.D.
Mrs. Wm. L. Hodgman
Mrs. Gorton T, Lippitt
Mr. \ ictor Wilbour has presented to the Societ\- some
old Rhode Island books.
Account Books Kept by Btnijani'ni Franklin, Ledger
"D," l7S(j-]y4(j^ with notes by George Simpson Eddy
was printed in New York, in 1929. It contains Benjamin
Franklin's business account with his sister-in-law, Ann
Franklin, the Newport printer, from 1740 to 1745, and
his account with his nephew James Franklin of Newport,
from 1748 to 1757. Ann Franklin bought paper, ink and
books of Benjamin Franklin. ApparentK' she acted as a
bookseller as well as a printer. It is interesting to note that
52 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
in the year 1740, in which she published an almanac, she
bought only 300 almanacs from Benjamin, but that in the
years in which she did not publish an almanac her purchases
of Benjamin's almanacs ran from 600 to 11 00 a year. James
Franklin bought mostly paper from his uncle. Benjamin
was paid by Ann Franklin in rum and by James L'ranklin
in sugar.
A detailed and exhaustive genealogical account of the
Bordens of Headcorn, in Kent, the ancestors of the
Bordens of Rhode Island, by G. Andrews Moriarty,
F. S. A., appears in the January and April, 1930, issues
of the Ne-iv England Historical and Genealogical Register.
The oration delivered by Professor B. L. Henin on July
14, 1928, at the dedication of the monument to commemo-
rate the landing of the French troops at Newport, has been
reprinted as a pamphet of twelve pages.
The Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society for
January, 1930, contains an account of the Seventh Day
Baptist Meeting House by Mrs. R. Sherman Elliott and
also an account of Ida Lewis' boat.
Mr. Richard Ward Greene Welling has presented to
the Society a large photograph of the Greene Homestead
at Potowomut, R. I., which was the birthplace of General
Nathanael Greene. Chief Justice Richard Ward Greene
is seated in the foreground. A reproduction of this view
of this historic house appears on page 611, of volume 3,
of Edward Field's State of Rhode Island and Providence
Plantations.
Portraits of Governor James Fenner and his wife, which
were painted by Francis Alexander, have been presented
to the Society by Mr. Henry D. Sharpe. Illustrations of
these portraits appeared in The Evening Bulletin of
January 14, and The Providence Sunday Journal., of
January 19. Governor Fenner was the first President of
the Rhode Island Historical Societv.
NOTES
53
The Aiitiquay'hui for I^Vhnian , contains illustrations of
the silver punch strainer of Jahez Bowen of Providence,
•dated 1/66, and of a silver tankard made by Samuel Ver-
non of Newport.
A Pro'v'ulence Episode 'ni the Insh Literary Rena'issauce
by Horace Re\nolds has been issued bv the Study Hill
Club.
The Providence World War Memorial bv Henry T.
.Samson contains a list of the Providence soldiers and sailors
who died in the World War.
Unafraid. A Life of Anne Hutchinson bv Winnifred
King Rugg has just been published by' Houphton
Mifflin Co. ^ '
Unger Not Alnger
A more searching study of the old handwriting dis-
closes the fact that the name given on page 1 1, of volume
23, of the R. L //. S. Collections as Johann Jeremias
Alnger should have been given as Johann Jereniias Linger.
HERALDIC NOTES
DVER
In the R. L H. S. Collections for April, 1928, (vol. xxi,
p. 76 ) there is the illustration of a coat-of-arms "On a bend
54 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
cottised three crescents." Two uses of this coat are re-
corded, one in Portsmouth, R. I., in 1660, and the other
in Boston, Mass., in 1713. Mr. William Allan Dyer has
recently discovered a third use of these arms in America.
In the Massachusetts Archives (vol. 129, p. 163) there
is a power of attorney executed on August 20, 168 8, by
Mary Dyer of Sussex in Pennsylvania, widow of William
Dyer, in favor of her son William Dyer. Mary Dyer
signed and sealed this document in the presence of John
Redwood and Samuel Atkins and used an armorial seal
"On a bend cottised three crescents, impaling a fess
dancetty between three mullets" with the crest "An arm
embowed holding a drawn sword." It is indeed significant
that another use of these arms by a member of the Dyer
family has been discovered. The identity of William Dyer
of Sussex has been established, as Major William Dyer,
son of William Dyer, one of the founders of Newport.
The Stephen Hopkins House
The house of Governor Stephen Hopkins stood origin-
ally on South Main Street at the corner of the present
Hopkins Street. Governor Hopkins bought the lot of
John Field in 1 743. There was then a house upon it. This
was apparently used in the ell of a new dwelling which
Hopkins built facing South Main Street on the front of
the lot. For the frames of these two parts of the house
are entirely independent and the second floors are not
at the same level.
In 1809, the land was acquired by Brown and Ives
and the house was moved to a lot on Hopkins Street di-
rectly east of the corner lot.
In 1927, the Providence County Court House Commis-
sion, carrying out the directions of the General Assembly,,
set the house in its present position.
The front doorway and door, some of the window
THE STKI'HEN fK)I>RINS HOUSE cc
frames and all hut one of the sash are new. The back door
IS a copy of the old one. 1 he underpinning and the steps
are, of course, modern. The roof has been shingled, but
the chimneys are old.
The entry leads across the front block of the house. On
the right of it is the door to the parlor, on the left that
to the north room so called from its old position as the
house stood on South Main Street.
The stairs are original. They are of maple and two or
three of the risers have the "curly" grain. One baluster
and two drops had to be replaced. The plastering, which
was cracked and soiled, has been mended and surfaced
with Swedish putty. The floor boards are original. They
have been slightly stained and finished.
In the parlor and the north room the mantels are old.
So are the doors. The parlor mantel is excellent, with a
fine open cupboard in the overmantel. There was no shelf
on the mantel, but the cupboard was provided with three,
and was finished with a beautiful carved shell at the top.'
The floors in these rooms are original also, they are those
on which walked Hopkins and Washington.
There are paneled overdoors in the parlor.
In the keeping room, part of the ell which may once
have been John Field's house, the flnish is very simple.
Here the floor is new as it is in the "bedroom below," on
the east side of the house. The corner cupboard is new,
built to hold china which was meant for use and not for
exhibition. In the passage between the keeping room and
the parlor is the window with its original sash.
In the second story the parlor chamber, that is the
room over the parlor, has an interesting paneled over-
mantel and the original floor. This was Washington's
room.
The north chamber, a sniall rooni over the north room
below, has a low mantel. The floor here is old.
At the end of the ell the two chambers were made, after
^6 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Hopkins' time, out of the original kitchen chamber, which
was really nothing more than a garret.
The furniture in the house represents, except for the
chair, now at Brown University, which stood in the entry,
and the clock and ciesk which were in the parlor, the
furniture which belonged to Governor Hopknis at his
death as it is set forth in the inventory now on record at
the City Hall. As some pieces which we should naturally
€xpect to find are not recorded, it is possible that they had
been given to Ruth, his daughter-in-law, or to Rufus,
his son, before Governor Hopkins' death.
The house is open to the public on Tuesdays, Thurs-
days, and Saturdays from two to five in the afternoon.
N. M. I.
Dance ReQ:ulations of 1747
Among the Freebody Papers, which were recently pre-
sented to the Society by Miss Elizabeth Norton, are sev-
eral manuscripts relating to the dances held in Newport
from 1747 to 1751. One of these papers* is as follows:
Rules for the Regulation of the Assembly Commenced
Octbr 28th: 1747 in Newport.
1st: Every member at the time of Subscription shall pay
the Steward Four Pounds, To defray the Charges
of the First and Second Evenings.
2nd: That on the first Night of our Meeting as well as at
other times, Every Member shall pay Fourty Shil-
lings to the Steward, that he may always have a
Sufficient Stock in advance to defray the Expence of
the two Subsequent Evenings.
3rd: That a Steward or Master of the Ceremony shall be
chosen from Among the Subscribers, who shall Con-
tinue in office A Fortnight or two Evenings, At the
*R. 1. H. S. M. S. XI, 99.
DANCE RK(,LI..\IIO\S OF 1747 rj
Expiration of which time he shall appoint another
ot the Subscribers to Succeed him To Whom he
shall give an exact account of the Money Received
and disbursed; in a regular book to be open to the
Inspection of all the Members, And in which shall
be a Copy of these Rules and orders to be kept for
that purpose.
4th: The Steward shall be obliged to Nominate a person
to Succeed him who has not been before Appointed;
that each Gentleman may discharge the office in his
turn, after which there shall be a Constant and reg-
ular Succession as the\- were at first Appointed.
5th: No Member if he bee in Town and in Health shall
be absent from the Assembly on the penalty of three
Pounds To be paid to the Steward who shall be
Accomptable.
6th: If any member shall upon his Word of Honour de-
clare that to his certain knowledge any Absent
Member was in Other Company- of an Assembh-
Evening, So as to Neglect coming (unless upon
some Spesciall Occasion, his being" with Strangers
not to be Allowed a Sufficient Excuse. ) Such Ab-
sent Member shall then not be excused his Fine, Or
if he is tardy, he shall be fined at the discretion of
the Steward, Who shall give him Notice of it.
7th: That the Steward shall be particularly careful that
the expence of one Night do not exceed the mone\-
Subscribed, Which if he do shall be at his own loss,
but if the expence do not ballance the Subscription
he shall be Accomptable To his Successor for the
Money not Expended.
8th: At such times as the Fines and ad\-anced Money
shall be sufficient for defra)ing the Expences of the
next Evening { Exclusixe of the Advanced Subscrip-
tion ) the Members shall be Excused from paying
an\- thing.
^8 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
9th: The Steward shall provide a proper Person to deal
out the Tea, Coffee, Wine etc: Prepared for the
Accommodation of the Company.
10th: Any member Gentleman or Lady shall be at liberty
to introduce any Stranger whom they shall Judge
proper and Agreable To the Company.
11th: Every member at the time of Subscribing shall be
presented with a list of Such Ladies, as are to have
a general Invitation To each of whom will be given
a Ticket for their Constant Admittance.
12th: The Assembly shall begin at Six in the Evening and
break up at Twelve, and no Member shall take its
amiss of the Master of the Ceremonies when he
insists upt)n it.
13th- No new member to be Admited but such as shall be
approved off by the Majority- of the Subscribers
Present at the Assembly when he shall be proposed,
(the Steward to ha\-e the Casting \'ote. )
14th: For the sake of keeping up the decorum and Regu-
larity of this Assembly, if any member uses or takes
any Indecent Liberty or Familiarity with any of the
Ladies, Such Member shall pay Five Pounds for
the hrst Offence, and for the Second shall be, by the
Steward Publicly Expelled the Assembly.
15th: If any Married Gentleman has an Inclination of
' coming to the Assembly with his Lady, Such
Gentleman shall be Admitted (but not to Sub-
scribe ) upon the same footing as any of the others
members, i. e. ( Paying an Equal Proportion of the
Expence of the Evening. ) •■' -
16th- With respect to Dancing of Minuets, the Gentle-
men shall dance with such Ladies As the Master of
the Ceremonies shall Appoint And of Sett or Cun-
trey dances, the usual Method of drawing numbers
Shall be Observed (the first Numbers to have the
DANCE RK(;i'I.Ari()\S OF 1747 cq
Precedeiic\-) with this priviJedge to the master of
the Ceremonies that he shall always chuse his own
Partner and open the Ball.
Appended to these rules of 1747 is a list of the ladies
who were invited to attend the Assemblies in accordance
wqth rule No. 1 1 . Merely the initial and surname of each
lady is given, but in most cases, it is possible to identify the
lady froni this brief record.'
A list of the Ladies:
Miss. S. Ayrault I. Hatch
I. Ayrault E. Harwood
R- Allen I. Harwood
Miss. P. Brenton A. Haszard
E. Brenton P. Haszard
F. Brenton Miss. A. Mallbone
M. Brown M. Mallbone
E- Brown M. Mum ford
Miss. E. Cole E. Mumford
A. Cole Miss. E. Phillips
Miss C. Coddington Miss. R. Scott
J. Coddington Miss. Thurston
C. Coddington Miss. M. Updike
Miss. E. Cranston Miss. H. Ward
Miss. E. Freebod\- M. Ward
Miss. E. Hatch ' R. Wanton
The list of gentlemen wht) ga\e the ciances:
Godfrey Malbone Lod. l/pdike
John Cole Wm. \'enion
Edward Cole Philip Wilkinson
Joseph Whipple Jerh. Brcnvn
Jonathan Thurston Samuel Freebodv
George Gardner Joseph Philips
Robert Stoddard
'An extensive account of these papers was printed in the Pioz''uien(\
Sufiilay J our>hi! ior Ocuhcv 22, 1929.
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H
RHODK ISLAM) HIS'IORICAL SOCIETY
treasl'ri:r's Ri:poRr
LXCOMi: ACCOUNT FOR YEAR 1929
Receipts
Annual Dues $2,320.00
Di\idcnds and Interest 5,344.27
Rental of Rooms 1 87.00
State Appropriation 1,500.00
$9,351.27
Expenditures
Binding $ 187.75
Books 693.41
Electric Light and Gas 39.88
Exhibitions 99.9 1
Expenses 136.77
Grounds and Building 391.30
Heating 700.00
Newspaper Account 10 5.05
Publication 889. 5 8
Salaries 5,210.00
Supplies 308.62
Telephone 70.30
Water 8.00
Lisu ranee 22 5.00
$9,065.57
Surplus Licome Account 28 5.70
$9,351.27
61
STATEMENT OE CONDITION, DECEMBER 31, 1929
Assets
Grounds and Building $ 2 5,000.00
Investments:
Bonds
$5,000 New York Edison Co., 6>4s, 1941 $5,447.85
4,000 Cedars Rapids Mfg. & Power Co., 5s
195 3 3,228.88
3,000 Centra] Mfg. District 3,000.00
3,000 Cleveland Elec. Illuminating Co., 5s,
1939 2,565.42
1,000 Commonwealth Edison Co., 5s, 1943 965.25
4,000 Government of Dominion of Canada,
5s, 1952 4,003.91
1,000 Western Electric Co., 5s, 1944 998.17
300 United Electric Rys. Co., Prior Lien,
4s, 1946 ' 231.27
4,000 61 Broadwav Bldg., 1st Mtge., 5>4s,
1950 .'. 4,000.00
4,000 Minnesota Power & Light Co., 1st
5s, 195 5 3,930.00
4,000 Monongahela \'allev Traction Co.,
lst^5s, 1942 ,' 3,685.00
2,000 Ohio Power Co., 1st & Ref. 5s, 1952 1,974.00
2,000 Narragansett Co., 5s, 1957 1,980.00
2,000 Shell Union Oil Corporation, 5s,
1947 1,979.00
2,000 Koppers Gas & Coke Co., 5s, 1947 1,962.50
1,000 Indianapolis Power & Light, 1st 5s,
195 7 994.50
Stocks
50 shs. New York Central Railroad Co. $3,355.22
111 shs. Pennsylvania Railroad Co. 6,934.97
30 shs. Lehigh Valley Railroad Co 2,112.50
7 shs. Lehigh Valley Coal Sales Co 235.39
40 shs. Milwaukee Elec. Rv. & Light Co.,
Pfd ' 3,900.00
64 shs. American Tel. & Tel. Co 7,046.23
300 shs. Providence Gas Co 5,005.68
15 shs. Providence National Bank } i^nn nn
30 shs. Merchants' National Bank Bldg. ( ' '
45 shs. Blackstone Canal National Bank 1,050.00
52 shs. Atchison, Topeka & Santa Ee Ry.
Co., Com 6,247.8 5
■8,633.59
Cash on hand 4,487.77
62 $108,121.36
TREASURER S REPORT
63
Liabilities
Equipment Fund ^ 2 5,OOO.Oa
Permanent Endowment Fund:
Samuel M. Noyes ;f 12, DIM). (10
Henry J. Stecre 10, (100. (10
James H. Bugbee 6,000.00
Charles H. Smith 5,000.00
Charles W. Parsons 4,000.00
William H. Potter 3,000.00
Esek A. Jillson 2,\)00.00
John Wilson Smith 1,000.00
William G. Weld 1,000.00
Charles C. Hoskins ] (joo qq
Charles H. Atwood
,000.00
Publication Fund:
Robert P. Brown $ 2,000.00
46,000.00
Ira B. Peck
!,000.00
William Gammcll 1,000 00
Albert J. Jones l,'oOO.OO
^^^^^^m Ely , ,0(10.00
Julia Bullock 500.00
Charles H. Smith 100 00
^ T ., , — ' 6,600. 00>
George L. Shepley Fund 5,000.00
Life Membership 5^50 00-
Franklin Lyceum Memorial Fund '734 57
Book Fund ^ 0 1 "> 4- 1
Reserve Fund ; ' , ]oU.27
Revolving Publication Fund '5 8 5 6^
^"■"Pj"^ ; irZIZZ 12,470'7i'
Surplus hicome Account ^3^3 83
$108,121.36-
64 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
PRINCIPAL ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR 1929
Receipis
Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Ry., rights $ 120.90
Pcnns\l\"ania Railroad, rights 5 1 .06
American Telephone & Telegraph Co., rights 243.20
Lehigh \'allcy Coal Sales Co., rights 6.46
Life Membership 50.00
Reserve Fund 83.25
Revolving Publication Fund 39 5.00
$ 949.87
Balance January 1, 1929 2,924.07
$3,873.94
Payments
Lidianapolis Power & Light, 1st, 5s, 1957 $ 994.50
Reserve Fund 4.50
Revolving Publication Fund 71 1.00
Balance December 31, 1929 2,163.94
$3,873.94
Respectfully submitted,
G. A. Harrinc;ton, Treasurer.
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XXIII
JULY, 1930
:^
^/^7 jf-'
''r^^y../
No. 3
rUl'. \K\\ KN(.1.\\1) l-l,A(, ()!■ 16SC)
From original painting in Lieutenant Graydon's manuscript ilag book
in the Pepvsian Library, Magdalene College, Cambridge.
By ifer'hil femthiioii . ^ff Pd^e 90
Issued (JuarrcrK'
M Waikrman Sii<} I I, Pr(>\ii)1 \(i , Ruoni; Isi.xxn
CONIENTS
The Identification of Ship Models
by Clarkson A. Collins, Jr. .
The Ancestry of John Greene of Warwick
by G. Andrews Moriarty, Jr.
Theophilus Whaley
by G. Andrews Moriarty, Jr.
The Grammar School in Brown Univer
by Robert Francis Seybolt .
sity
Portrait of James Fenner .
Portrait of Mrs. Fenner
The Shipping Book of Arthur Fenner & Co. .
Notes
List of Members of the Rhode Island Historical
Society .......
The New England Flag
by Howard M. Chapin
Bequest of F.mily J. Anthony
PAGE
65
70
72
73
74
75
76
80
83
Cover and 90
100
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
VOL. XXIII
July, 1930
No. 3
Addison P. Munroe, President Gh.bkrt A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
The Identification of Ship Models
Clarkson a. Collins, Jr.
The identification of sailor-made ship models often pre-
sents problems which are interesting to investigate but,
alas, sometimes difficult of solution. This is due to the
habit which such makers had of frequently giving a model
a name other than that of the vessel which it actually
represented.
Negative evidence regarding such models can usually be
obtained with a slight amount of research. That is, it is
easy to demonstrate the fact that the model does not rep-
resent such a vessel as the name on its stern would seem
to indicate. Positive evidence, however, proving that the
model depicts a certain vessel is frequently difficult, and
often impossible, to obtain.
A case in point is that of a beautiful niodel of the
famous clipper ship Hornet which I obtained on the Cape
some years ago. The maker of the model, a Capt. Doane,
had been first mate of the Hornet and was li\ing at the
65
66 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
time I first saw the model, aIthoue;h nearly ninety veai-s
old.
I asked him why, since the model was of the Hornet,
she bore on her stern the name "Bonna Dea." His reply
was that his two nieces were greatly interested in a beauti-
ful Egyptian Goddess and asked him to name the model
after her. The name of the Egyptian Goddess was "Bonna
Dea."
It is obvious that in this case, lacking personal contact
with Capt. Doa:ne, it would have been impossible to iden-
tify the model.
Another instance is found in the model of the Ann and
Hope. This model for a century or more was berthed in
the old Brown and Ives building at 50 South Main Street.
Fairly authentic tradition placed the model as the Ann
and Hope — the first vessel of that name, not the second.
Tonnage, rig, number of guns, figurehead j all made the
identification practically positive. But on her stern the
model bears the inscription, Embargo of Providence. I
was not satisfied regarding the identity of the model until
exhaustive research among Historical Societv records
established the fact that no vessel named Embargo was
ever registered from the Port of Providence.
Conjecture regarding the naming of this model dis-
covers an explanation. The Ann and Hope was wrecked
on Block Island not long before the Embargo Act went
into effect. This act undoubtedly gave the sailor who
made the model ample opportunity for his work, and in a
spirit of irony he christened her "Embargo."
Our museums, at least such of them as boast niarine
collections, are so apt to be inaccurate in the descriptions
of their models that it is not surprising to find that in years
gone by the Historical Society accepted too confidently the
name on the fine old "74" which stands in the gallery, and
labeled her "The Frigate Washington."
As a matter of fact, she is not a frigate but a seventy-
four gun ship of the line. Furthermore, there has never
o a:
z w
68 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
been a vessel in the U. S. Navy, nor an American priva-
teer, which this model could represent, if we consider the
name on her stern.
It is true that there have been eleven Washingtons,
seven General Washingtons, and six Lady Washingtons
flying the American flag; all of them during the Revolu-
tionary period.
The largest of them, however, was the 32 gun ship
Washington which was purchased in Philadelphia in 1776,
never received her armament, and was burnt by the British
in Delaware Bay in 1778. The others were all smaller
vessels. Some were ship rigged but the majority were
brigs, cutters, or sloops.
There was a privateer. General Washington, of Provi-
dence, ship rigged, carrying 18 guns and 120 men, and
commanded by Silas Talbot. In the case of this vessel I
should say that if the armament of the model agreed with
that of the ship itself, the difi^erence between the names
would not be of great importance. But the difference
between 18 guns and 74 cannot be reconciled.
The probabilities are that the Historical Society model
represents one of the ten "74's'- laid down between 1815
and 1818. Only six of these vessels were completed.
These were the Franklin, Columbus, Ohio, North Caro-
lina, Delaware, and \'ermont.
Aside from our one famous, or rather infamous, 120
gun ship, the Vermont is as perfect an example as one
could hnd of what happens when politicians begin to play
with the Navy. This vessel, laid down in 1815, was not
launched until 1848; thirty-three years to complete a ship
which should have been off the ways in two years at the
most. During this period she was, of course, giving
employment, when needed, to loyal supporters of this,
that, and the other political party. What an ignoble fate
for one of the most noble creations of man! Let us hope
that the Historical Society model does not perpetuate the
poor Vermont.
THE IDKNTrFICATKlX OF SHIP MODKLS
69
MODEL OF SO-CAI.I,KO "WASHINGI'ON '
In the Society's Museum.
70
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
MODEL OF SO-CALLED WASHINGTON
In tlu Society's Museut.
Ancestry of John Greene of Warwick
In the "Greenes of Rhode Island" compiled by Mrs.
Louise Brownell Clarke from the manuscripts of Major-
General George S. Greene, a pedigree is given that com-
mences with a certain Robert Greene who appears as of
Gillingham, in the county of Dorset, in the subsidy of
1543; and it is stated on page 38 that Robert Greene
owned and resided on his estate at Bowridge Hill in the
parish of Gillingham. This statenient has no record of
ANCE'^IRV OF JOHN (.REKNH OF WARWICK 71
evidence to support it, other than the mere fact that Robert
Greene was taxed in the subsidy of (jiUingham. On page
736 of the same \'o]ume under a heading entitled "Latest
Research in England" the compiler of the bot)k; states that
she doubts whether Peter Greene of Bowricige, the testa-
tor of 1583, anci the kni)wn brother of Richard Greene,
the ancestor of the Rhode Island famih', was the son of
Robert Greene.
Examination of the parish register of Gillingham ( it is
a \'ery large parish ) shows that the name Greene in the
sixteenth and earh^ seventeenth century was very widely
spread in the parish and there are a great many Greenes
whose relationship with each other cannot be proved.
Several \ears ago I was fortunate enough to secure copies
of the Gillingham Court Rolls preserved in the R\lands
Library at Manchester, which contain many entries relat-
ing to the Greenes of that parish. The earliest mention
being a "J. Greene" in the reign of Edward the Fourth.
The most important item in these records is one relating
to jurymen and shows that on the twentieth of December
in the twent\-hfth year of Henry the Eighth ( 1533-4),
"Willemus Grene de P(nvr\gge" was a juryman. "Pow-
rygge" is evidently Bowridge, the estate which is known.
to have belonged to that particular branch of the Gilling-
ham Greenes froni whom the Rhode Island family
descended. It seems, therefore, highly likely that Peter
Greene, the testator of 1583, and his brother Richard
Greene, who was the grandfather of John Greene of
Providence, were the children not of Robert Greene of the
1543 subsidy but of the abov^e Williani Greene, for we
hnd them owning and residing at Bowridge Hill where
William Greene was living in 1533-4. It would appear,
therefore, that the line of descent of the Rhode Island
family is not Robert,'" Richard,'"' Richard,'" John,'^'
but William,'" Richard,'"' Richard,' ' John.'"
G. Andrews Moriartv, Jr.
72 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Theophiliis Whalev
By referring to Austin's "Genealogical Dictionary of
Rhode Island," it will be seen that a somewhat mysterious
person named Theophilus Whaley came to the South
County from Virginia and there has been much specula-
tion regarding him. Today in going over the records of
the county of Rappahannock, (extinct since 1692 when it
became Essex Co.) I found:
Transcript of Rappahannock records in Virginia State
Archives.
Vol VI (81) Thomas Gouldman of Settingburne parish
in Rapp. Co. gent, and Richard Cawthorne of same,
planter, and Theophilus Whale and Daniel Swellivant
both of Farnham parish, Rapp. Co. division of a tract
owned by them and grant of 5()() acres from it to Caw-
thorne. 20 Aug. 1679.
Vol. VI ( 92 ) Thomas Ciouldman of Sittingburne par-
ish, Rapp. Co. to Theophilus Whale of Farnham, planter,
400 acres at Hodgkins Creek out of 674 acres that they
owned there. 7 Jan 1679 80.
Theophilus Whale conveys this right to William Seale.
8 Jan 1679 80.
Vol VI (103) Indenture 18 Feb 1679/80 Theophilus
Whale of Rapp. Co. planter, and Robert Beverley of
Middlesex, gent. Whale conveys all his lands in Rapp.
Co. Va. including the land where he now lives "or lately
lived" to Beverley and made his loving friend Mr.
Thomas George of Rapp. Co. his attorney to acknowledge
and confirm the same 18 Feb. 1679/80. Signed Theophi-
lus Wealle.
This last looks like a "selling out" before he went to
Rhode Island. I send you this as it locates Whalley in
Virginia before he came to Rhode Island and shows he was
not a "mysterious stranger," but a well known planter of
Rappahannock County.
G. Andrews Moriarty, Jr.
The Grammar School at Brown University
in 1772
Cotitributed by Robert Francis Sevboi.t
The following announcement, published in the Massa-
chusetts Gazette and Boston Ne'xs Letter^ July 30, 1772,
recalls an important, but little known adjunct of Brown
during the early years of her histor)':
Whereas several Gentlemen have requested me to take and educate
their Sons: This may inform them, as others disposed to put their Chil-
dren under my Care, that the Latin School is now removed, and set up
in the College Edifice; where proper Attendance shall be given, by a
Master duly qualified, and those found to be the most effectual Meth-
ods to obtain a competent Knowledge of Grammar, steadily pursued.
At the same Time spelling, reading, and speaking English with Propri-
ety will be particularly attended to. Any who choose their Sons should
board in Commons, may be accomodated at the same Rate with the
Students, Six Shillings per Week being the Price. And I Hatter m\self,
that such Attention will be paid their Learning and Morals, as will
entirelv satisf\- all who may send their Children. All Books for the
School, as well as the classical Authors read in College, may be had at
the lowest Rate of the Subscriber.
Providence, July 10, 1772. James Manning.
In establishing a grammar school at the college. President
Manning followed the practice of his Alma Mater,
Princeton.
73
74
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
PORTRAIT OF GOVERNOR JAMES FENNER, FIRST PRESIDENT OF THE RHODE
ISLAND HISTORICAI, SOCIETY, PAINTED BY FRANCIS ALEXANDER
Given to the Society by Mr. Henry D. Sharpe.
THE SIflPPlNC. HOOK OF ARIIILR FKNNER & CO.
75
PORTRAIT OF MRS. JAMES FENNKR, PAINTED BV FRANCIS AI.EXANOER
Giz-t>! to the Suc/!-/y h\ Mr. H.iiry D. Sliarpe
76 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The Shipping Book of
Arthur Fenner & Company.. 1742
The shipping book of Arthur Premier and Company of
Providence was recently given to the Society by Mrs.
Elizabeth Ladd McConnell. It throws light on the early
maritime commerce of Providence during a period in
which the source material is scanty. An abstract of these
records follows.
ABSTRACTS
Arthur Fenner and George Browne Esqr. & Company
and all of Providence in New England. Shipped on Ship
Providence, Captain Jonathan Sheldon, Master, bound
for Suraname.
thirty Nine Horses, Eighty firkins of Butter, Sixty Six
Barrels of flower, four hundred and Sixteen Bushels of
Oats, Eighteen Shorts, fourteen thousand two hundred
and fifty Shingles, 4m Staves, Six Barrels Potatoes, Six
Barrels of Apples, 3900 Hoops; 84 Water Hhds, 4 Bar-
rels Pork, 28 Barrels of Beef, 10 m of Bricks; 800 . . of
Bread; 8500 feet of Boards, 8 hhds. Salt fish, 4 Barrel
Alewives, 1 ^^ Barrel Mackrel, 1 Firkin of Hogsfat and
one hhd of Corne. Dated in Providence aforesaid this
19th Day of October A:D: 1745.
Arthur Fenner and Company. Shipped on Ship Arthur,
Ebenezer Hill, Master, bound for Jamaica.
1 8 hhd. of Dry fish. Seven barrels of pork, forty Seven
bbrs of beef, thirty bbrs of flower, four bbrs of Pickel fish.
Six Cagg of tonngs, 2 firkin of hogs fatt. Seven bbrs of
sider, 450 bunches of onions, 1034 weight of Chees. Con-
signed to James Mitchell. Dated in Providence this 28th
Dav of Deer Ad 1 747.
THE SHIPPING BOOK OF ARTHUR FF.NNKR & CO. 77
Arthur Feniicr and Company. Shipped on Ship Prince
William, Jonathan Sheldon, Master, bound for Barbadoes.
29 hhd Dry hsh, 50 bbrs of Mackrell, 59 bbrs of Beef,
9 bbrs of Pt)rk;, 10 bbrs of flower, 5 bbrs firkin of Tallow,
4 bbrs of oyle, 32 thousand of Lumber, 19 Horses, 11
hogs, 9 Cask of Bread, thirty four hhd of Tobacco, 44 new
water hhcis, three HHd of Indian Corn, 199 bushel! of
oats.
Dated in Pro\-idence Decbr 1 0th A D I 748
Arthur Fenner and Conipany. Shipped on Snoe Dolphin,
Thomas Manchester, Master, bound for Jamaica,
fourteen Horses
Arthur Fenner and Company. Shipped on Ship Arthur,
Joseph Cozzens, Master, bound for Jamacia.
Thirteen Horses, 20 hhds of Dry fish, 40 brs of Mackrell,
37 bbrs. of Beef, 7 bbrs of pork, Six firkins of butter, 8 bbrs
of Sider, 1 1 Desks, one book Cases, 5500 of hoops, 3100
Staves, 1239 foot of bords and Ninety one New hogs-
heads.
Dated in Providence Decbr 27th 1748.
Arthur Fenner and Company. Shipped on Sloop Defi-
ence. Captain Simeon Flunt, Master, bound for Boston.
4 — hogsheads and five Tierces of Sugar.
Arthur Fenner and Company merchants in providence.
Shipped on Brigg Prince Williani, Captain George Jack-
son, Master, bound for Surrinam.
25238 Feet of Boards 4900 of Hoops 5600^4 of Staves
13600 Shingles 12000 Bricks, 80 Barrells of Flower, 55
Barrells of Beefe, 6 Barrells Pork, 1000 of Bread, }6
hogsheads and one Tierce Tobacko, 6 hogsheads Dry Fish,
8 barll oyle, 8 firkins Butter, i hhd Rum, 800 Bunches
onyons 115 Bushll Corn, 50 Bushll oats, 27 Horses, 31
Sheep, 9 Shoats, 62 w^ater hogsheads.
Dated in Providence this 19th Day of august A D 1749.
yS " RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Arthur Fenner &c company merchts. Shipped on Snoe
providence, Captain George Jackson, Master, bound for
Barbados
20 Thousand hoops, 14 thousand Boards, 6 thousand
Staves, 30 Barrells Beefe, 4 Barrells of Oyle, Six Barrells
of poark, 20 Barrells of Flower, 11400 Bricks, 37 Casks
of Tobacco, 21 Shoats, 100 Bushell of Corn, 70 Bushell
of Oats, 17 horses, 38 water casks, 20 hogsheads of Fish,
4 Tierces Bread.
Dated in providence the 24 Day of November 1750
Arthur Fenner & Companey merchants. Shipped on
Snoe Dolphin, Captain George Jackson, Master, bound
for Surrinam.
To 4800 Staves/, 350034 of Hoopes/ 11500 Brickes/
12259 board. To 37 Barrels Flower to 17 Barrels beaf
To 4 Detto of Poark To 9 Horses To 9c:3q:81 1 of bread
To 1 1537 of Tobacco to 3 Bushell Pease To 101 Bushell
of oates to 30 watter Cask To Hogci West India runi and
one Thousand Dollars
Dated in Providence the 22th Day of Apriel 1751
Arthur Fenner and compa owners of the Snow Dolphin.
Shipped on Ship Dolphin, Captain George Jackson, Mas-
ter, bound for Barbadoes.
thirteen Horses, 1 1506 feet Boards, 5300 Hoops, three
thousand Nine Hundred and ^S of Staves, 1 Barrel 1 Tal-
low, 3 bbs. Turpentine, 1 bb. Tarr, 25 half Barrells Pork,
28 bbs. beeff 5 bbs pork 32 water Casks 8 Casks bread,
140 Bushells Oats, 2 Casks peas— 1 Barrell Oyl
Dated in providence April 13th 1752.
Arthur Fenner Esqr and Company all of Providence in
the County of Providence in New England Merchants —
Shipped on Ship Arthur, Joseph Arnold, Master, bound
for Barbadoes.
Thirty Eight Thousand Eight hundred and Twenty
Hoops, Four thousand three hundred and fifty of Hogs-
THE SHIPPING BOOK OF ARIHUR FENNER & CO. 79
head Staves, Ele\'en thousand Bricks, Eleven Water
Hogsheads, one Desk, Nine hundred feet of Pine Boards,
Eighteen Barrels of Beef, four Barrel 1 of Pork and Ten
Barrels of P'lowers.
Consigned to Mr. James Fenner of Proxidence Merchant.
Dated in Providence this hfth Day of February Anno
Dom 17+9/
Arthur Fenner anci Company Shipped on Ship Dolphin,
Thomas Manchester, Master, bound for Surrinam.
8 m 9()()^> Brickes 10 m 640 feet Boards 5 m 150
Staves 4 m 780 Hoops 2 feet of heading 24 Barll Flower
51 Brll Beaf 24 Mogsh Tobacco, 9 Tearces Do 65 Firkins
butter 2 hhds rum 1 Firkin Tallow 1 Box Candles 1 Brll
Peas 8 Barll Bread 13 Boxes of pama sitty* Candles
yj Barll rum 2 Barll pork 14 Horses 194 Bushell oats,
one Thousanci shingles 1500 roope onyons 36 water hhcis.
Dated in Providence September 3d 1753
Mr. Arthur Fenner & Company. Shipped on Brigan-
tine Providence, Captain William Tillinghast, Master,
bound for Surriname
48 hhs three Teares and 1 bbs of tobacco 64 firkins of
butter 60 bbs of flower 2 1 bbs of Pickled fish 2 1 bbs of
Salt 12 bbs & half beef 2 bbrs of Pork 5 boxes of Candels
1 Bbs of Mackrells 1 7307 Shingles 5144 hhd Staves 3840
Hoops 11 bbs of bread and thirty four horses j and goes
consignd seven eight parts to y sd Master and other eight
part to Thomas Fenner a Passenger on bcxird said brigan-
tine
Dated in Providence in New England this 27th Day
of July A D 1743
Messrs: Arthur Fenner, Joseph Sheldon, Charles Til-
linghast & William Tillinghast of Providence in New
England. Shipped on Ship Providence, Captain William
Tillinghast, Master, bound for Barbacioes,
*Spcrmaccti.
8o RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Nineteen Horses; 7406 Hhd Hoops; 17930 Hhd
Staves; 1355 Shingles; thirty one Quintals of Salt fish;
1 8 Barrells of Alewives two Barrells of Tallow, and three
Shoates.
Twenty Seven Caggs of oyster
Dated in Providence in New England this 8th Day of
January Anno Domini 1 742/3.
Arthur Fenner & Company. Shipped on Snow Dolphin,
Captain Joseph Owens, Master, bound for Antigua.
Thirty Eight Barrels Mackrel Nine Casks Rice Eleven
Bar Beef Two Barrels Poork Seven Thousand Seven hun-
dred Shingles Four Thousand three hundred & Fortv one
Staves Eight Boxes Spermicity Candles Forty one Thou-
sand nine hundred & forty hoops
Dated in Providence May 8, 1756.
The eleven desks and 1 book case mentioned in 1 748
and the one desk in 1 749 are unusual exports from Rhode
Island. Were these desks by any chance some of the
famous block front desks made by Goddard* at Newport?
Notes
Three new biographies of Anne Hutchinson have been
published this year. One was mentioned in our last issue.
The others are An Ameyican Je2:ehel, The Life of Anne
Hutchinson by Helen Augur, a book of 320 pages pub-
lished by Brentano; and Anne Hutchinson by Edith Cur-
tis, 122 pages, published by Washburn and Thomas.
Lettres d\ixel de Fersen, published in Paris in 1929,
is of considerable local interest, for fourteen of the let-
ters, dated from Aug. 5, 1780, to Aug. 17, 1781, and
comprising 50 printed pages, were written at Newport,
R. I.
*See article on Goddard in The Antiquarian, February, 1927.
NOTES 8 1
The Old Stone Bcuik History of Rhode Island is a book
of 119 pages, which is a reprint in book form of the series
of historical leaflets that have been issued in connection
with the bank's radio talks.
Mr. Henry D, Sharpe has recently presented to the
Society four chairs that formerly belonged to Governor
James Fenner, the first President of the Society.
A copy of the first issue of the J ircenile Gazette^ which
was published in November, 1819, has been given to the
Society by Sylvester M. Snow.
The Coggeshalls in America^ a genealogy of the descend-
ants of John Coggeshall of Newport, by Charles Pierce
Coggeshall and Thellwell Russell Coggeshall (Boston
1 930 ) is a book of 395 pages.
7"/?^? Star of La Roc h ell e, being the true story of the
Life of EstJier Leroy^ wife of Gabriel Bernon^ 1 652-17 10,
by Elizabeth Nicholson White is a book of 130 pages,
printed in Pro\'idence in 1930.
The following lectures have been given before the
Society.
January 1-1-. The English Homes of the New England
Settlers by Capt. G. Andrews Moriarty, Jr.
February 16. Forty Years of Rhode Island Art by
Sydney R. Burleigh.
March 9. Early American Music by John B. Archer,
assisted by Ada Holding Miller, Soprano,
April 8. Rhode Island's Early Defenders by Brig. Gen.
John J. Richards.
Three special committees have been appointed this year.
The Entertainment Comniittee:
Mrs. Edward E. Johnson, Chairman
Mrs. Charles D. Cook
Mrs. Clarkson A, Collins, Jr.
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The Committee on the Portrait Gallery:
Dana Rice, Cha'uirian
Sydney R. Burleigh
Edwin A. Burlingame
The Committee to consider preliminary plans for the
observance of the 30()th anniversary of the Founding of
Providence:
Mrs. Herbert G. Beede
Chester W. Barrows
Howard M. Chapin
J. Jerome Hahn
John W. Haley
Charles Warren Lippitt
The following persons have been admitted to member
ship in the Society:
Rev. Lorenzo C. McCarthy
Mrs. Charles H. Merriman
George L. Miner
Mrs. Edward S. Moulton
Addison P. Munroe
Arthur L. Philbrick
Mrs. Gorton T. Lippitt
Mrs. William O. Todd
Mr. Walter F. Farrcll
Mrs. Henry S. Lanpher
Mrs. Charles O. Read
Mr. David C. Adelman
Mrs. C. Prescott Knight
Mr. George P. Newell
Miss Ada Almy
Mrs. George S. Bullock
Mrs. Maurice K. Washburn
Mrs. William C. H. Brand
Mrs. Austen G. Fox
Miss Hattie B. Barns
Mrs. Albert G. Harkness
Mr. Donald S. Babcock
Mrs. James F. Phctteplace
Miss Edith R. Danielson
Mr. Fred Morton Dixon, Jr.
Mr. Jonathan F. Comstock
Mrs. William L. Mauran
Mrs. Howard G. Hull
Mr. George Paul Slade
Prof. Albert K. Potter
Mrs. Joseph H. Regester
Mr. Herbert O. White
Mr. Louis W. Downcs
Mrs. Livingston Ham
Miss Louise Richards(jn
Mrs. Peter G. Gerry
Mr. Frederick \'. Waterman
Mrs. William F. Hoy
Mrs. Addison P. Munroe
Mrs. Everard Appleton
Miss Irene B. Butler
Mr. Elmer D. Nickerson
Mrs. Frank Nichols Phillips
Mrs. Stacy Tolman
Mrs. Paul A. Merriam
Mr. Alden L. Littleheld
Mr. James F. Phetteplace
Rev. Lorenzo C. McCarthy
Mr. Frederick A. Paige
Mrs. Edward W. Blodgett
Mrs. Henrv A. Whitmarsh
Mrs. Edward S. Clark
Miss Sarah Dyer Barnes
Mrs. C. Prescott Knight, Jr.
Mr. Clarence E. Peirce
E. D. Chesebro, M.D.
List of Active Members of the Rhode Island
Historical Society.
Hon. Joshua M. AdJcman
Mr. David C. Adelman
Mr. Frederick W. Aldred
Mr. Charles T. Aldrich
Mr. Edward K. Aldrich, jr.
Miss Lucv T. Aldrich
Hon. Richard S. Aldrich
Mr. Francis O. Allen
Mr. Frederick W. Allen
Mr. Howard \'. Allen
Mr. Philip Allen
Mrs. Frederick Allien
Miss Ada Almy
Miss Anna L. Andrews
Mr. Waher F. Angell
Mrs. Everard Appleton
Mr. Arthur H. Armington
Miss Maude E. Armstrong
Mrs. Edward E. Arnold
Mr. Frederick W. Arnold
Mr. James H. Arthur
Mr. Albert Babcock
Mr. Donald S. Babcock
Mr. Albert A. Baker
Mrs. Charles K. Baker
Mr. Harvey A. Baker
Mr. J. Wil'lard Baker
Miss Mary H. Balch
Mr. Luther C. Baldwin
Mrs. Walter S. Ball
Mr. Frederick D. Ballou
Rev. Clarence A. Barbour
Harry Lee Barnes, M.D.
Miss Sarah Dyer Barnes
Mr. Josiah M. Barney
Miss Hattie B. Barns
Hon. Chester W. Barrows
Miss Mildred E. Bassett
W. Lincoln Bates, M.D.
Mr. Earl G. Batty
Mrs. Daniel Beckwith
Mrs. Herbert G. Beede
Mr. Horace G. Belcher
Mr. Horatio E. Bellows
Mrs. Edward W. Blodgett
G. Alder Blumer, M.D.
Mr. J. J. Bodell
Mrs. Theodore P. Bogert
Harold Bowditch, ALI).
Mrs. Charles Bradlev
Mr. Claude R. Branch
Mr. John B. Branch
Mrs.Villiam C. H. Brand
Miss Alice Bra\ton
Miss Elizabeth H. Bra\ton
Miss Ida F. Bridgham
Mr. Herbert O. Brigham
Miss Eva St. C. Brightman
Mrs. Clarence A. Brouwer
Mr. Clarence Irving Brown
Mr. Cyrus P. Brown
Mr. Frank Hail Brown
Mrs. Frank Hail Brown
Miss Isabel R. Brown
Mr. John Nicholas Brown
Mr. Wilbur D. Brown
Mr. Alfred S. Browncll
Mr. Edward C. Bucklin
Mr. Harris H. Bucklin
Miss Clara Buffuni
Mr. Frederick H. Buffum
Mrs. William P. Buffum
Mr. Henrv Buker
83
84
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Mrs. George S. Bullock
Mr. George Rothwell Burgess
Mr. Sydney R. Burleigh
Mr. Edwin A. Burlingame
Mr. Raymond Buss
Mr. Alfred T. Butler
Miss Irene B. Butler
Mr. G. Edward Buxton
Mr. John H. Cady
Mrs. Charles A. Calder
Miss Helen G. Calder
Frank T. Calef, M.D.
Mr. Herbert C. Calef
Mr. Walter R. Callender
Mrs. Walter R. Callender
Mrs. George H. Capron
Mr. Thomas B. Card
Mrs. George W. Carr
Mr. Edward Carrington
Mr. William Carroll
Miss Anna H. Chace
Mr. Malcolm G. Chace
Mrs. Everitte S. Chaffee
Mr. Robert F. Chambers
Mr. Arthur D. Champlin
Mr. George B. Champlin
Mr. George Allen Chandler
Charles \Cchapin, M.D.
Mrs. Charles \'. Chapin
Mr. Howard M. Chapin
Mrs. Howard M. Chapin
Mr. William P. Chapin
Mr. Frederic L. Chase
Julian A. Chase, M.D.
E. D. Chesebro, M.D.
Mr. Albert W. Claflin
Mrs. Edward S. Clark
Mrs. Henry G. Clark
Mr. Prescott O. Clarke
Prof. Theodore Collier
Mrs. Clarkson A. Collins, Jr.
Mr. James C. Collins
Mr. Edward L. Coman
Mr. Jonathan F. Comstock
Mrs.V. A. H. Comstock
Mr. Walter J. Comstock
Mr. William P. Comstock
Mr. Charles D. Cook
Mrs. Charles D. Cook
Mr. Albert B. Coulters
Mr. Ernest S. Craig
Prof. Verner W. Crane
Mr. Frank H. Cranston
Miss Mary E. H. Cranston
George H. Crooker, M.D.
Mr. Harry Parsons Cross
Frank Anthony Cummings, M.D.
Mrs. Frank Anthony Cummings
Prof. S. Foster Damon
Murray S. Danforth, M.D.
Mrs. Murray S. Danforth
Miss Edith R. Danielson
Mr. William C. Dart
Mr. Foster B. Davis
Miss Marv Elliott Davis
Mrs. R. C. Davis
Mr. Charles J. Davol
Mr. Herbert R. Dean
Mrs. Thomas Hart deCoudres
Prof. Edmund B. Delabarre
Miss Alice S. Dexter
Miss Eunice W. Dexter
Mr. Flenry C. Dexter
Miss Louise Diman
Mr. Fred Morton Dixon, Jr.
Mrs. Harriet M. F. Dixon
Mr. Michael F. Dooley
Mr. Louis W. Downes
Mrs. Louis W. Downes
Mr. Robert T. Downs
Mr. Charles L. Drown
Mr. David Duncan
Miss Margarethe L. Dwight
Mr. H. Anthony Dyer
Mr. William Allan Dyer
Mr. Charles G. Easton
Mr. Frederick W. Easton
Mr. Alfred U. Eddy
Mr. Cyrus T. Eddy
Miss Isabel Eddy
LIST OF MEMBERS
85
Mr. William Holdcn Eddy
Miss Harriet C. Edmonds
Miss Edith Edwards
Mr. Walter Angell Edwards
Mr. [ames Elgar
Mr. William Ely
Mr. Frank W. Emerson
Mr. Ralph C. Estes
Mr. William Wood Estes
Mr. Walter F. Farrell
Mr. Henry A. Fitield
Mrs. Irving Fisher
Mr. Augustus H. Fiske
Mrs. Charles Fletcher
Mr. Elliot Flint
Hon. William S. Flvnn
Mr. Charles S. Foster
Mr. John R. P. Foster
Mr. William E. Foster
Mrs. George H. Fowler
Mrs. Austen G. Fox
Mr. Hovey T. Freeman
Mr. John R. Freeman
Mr. foscph W. Freeman
Mr. William C. Frv
Mr. Frederick H. Fuller
Mr. R. Clinton Fuller
Frank T. Fulton, M.D.
Mme. Annita Gahurri
Hon. Joseph H. Gainer
Mr. William Gammell
Mr. William Gammell, Jr.
George W. Gardner, M'.D.
Prof. Henry B. Gardner
Mrs. John T. Gardner
Mr. Preston H. Gardner
Mr. Rathbone Gardner
Mr. Daniel F. George
Hon. Peter G. Gerry
Mrs. Peter G. Gerrv
Mr. John R. Gladding
Mrs. Alice C. Gleeson
Mr. Robert H. L Goddard
Mr. George T. Gorton
Mr. Harrv Hale Goss
Mr. Eugene S. Graves
Mrs. Eugene S. Graves
Mr. Theodore Francis Green
Mr. Edward Aborn Greene
Miss Esther F. Greene
Mrs. Joseph Warren Greene
Mr. Thomas C. Greene
Mr. Ralph M. Greenlaw
Mr. William B. Greenough
Mr. Russell Grinnell
Mr. E. Tudor Gross
Hon. J. Jerome Hahn
Mr. John W. Halev
Mr. ElleryA. Hall'
Miss Annette M. Ham
Mrs. Livingston Ham
Mrs. Albert G. Harkness
Mr. Gilbert A. Harrington
Mr. Benjamin P. Harris
Miss Mary A. Harris
Mr. Stephen C. Harris
Mr. Everett S. Hartwell
N. Darrell Harvey, M.D.
Mr. William A. Hathaway
Mr. Edward Northup Hay
Miss Caroline Hazard
Mr. Rowland Hazard
Mr. Thomas G. Hazard, Jr.
Mr. Charles F. Heartman
Mrs. W. E. Hcathcote
Mr. Bernon E. Helme
Mr. .Arthur Henius
Mr. John Henshaw
Mr. Joseph G. Henshaw
Miss Mary G. Henshaw
Mr. Robert W. Herrick
Mr. William A. Hill
Mr. Frank L. Hinckley
Mr. Sumner W. Hinds
Mr. William L. Hodgman
Mrs. William L. Hodgman
Mr. George J. Holden
Mr. Charles .A. Horton
Mr. E. Harris Howard, fr.
Mr. Frederic W. Howe
86
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Mr. M. A. DeWolfe Howe
Mr. Wallis E. Howe
Mrs. William Erwin Hoy
Mrs. Howard G. Hull
Mr. Horatio A. Hunt
Mr. S. Foster Hunt
Mrs. Duncan Hunter
Mr. George Hurley
Mr. James H. Hurley
Mr. Richard A. Hurley
Mr. James Hazen Hyde
Mr. William S. Innis
Mr. Norman M. Isham
Mr. Benjamin A. Jackson
Mrs. Donald E. Jackson
Mr. Thomas A. Jenckes
Mr. George A. Jepherson
Mrs. Edward L. Johnson
George F. Johnson, M.D.
Mr. Edward C. Joyce
Mr. William L. Joyce
Dr. Lewis H. Kalloch
Mr. Francis B. Keeney
Mrs. Ellsworth L. Kelley
Hon. Charles D. Kimball
Mr. H. Earle Kimball
Eugene P. King, M.D.
Mrs. Eugene P. King
Mr. Victor H. King
Lucius C. Kingman, M.D.
Mr. C. Prescott Knight
Mrs. C. Prescott Knight
Mr. C. Prescott Knight, Jr.
Mrs. C. Prescott Knight, Jr.
Mr. Robert L. Knight
Mrs. Robert L. Knight
Mr. Russell W. Knight
Mrs. Webster Knight
Mrs. Rhea L. M. Knittle
Prof. Harry L. Koopman
Mr. John Krawczuk
Mrs. Henry S. Lanphcr
Mr. George R. Lawton
Mr. Thomas Z. Lee
Charles H. Leonard, M.D.
Miss Grace F. Leonard
Miss Anna L. Lestrade
Mr. George H. Lewis
Mr. John B. Lewis
Mr. [oseph W. Lewis
Mr. Fereiinand A. Lincoln
Mrs. Charles Warren Lippitt
Mr. Charles Warren Lippitt
Mrs. Frances Pomeroy Lippitt
Mr. Gorton T. Lippitt
Mrs. Gorton T. Lippitt
Hon. Henry F. Lippitt
Mr. Arthur B. Lisle
Mrs. Arthur B. Lisle
Mr. Alden L. Littlelield
Mr. Charles W. Littleficld
Mr. Ivor}- Littlefield
Rev. Augustus M. Lord
Mr. Albert E. Lownes
Mr. Harold C. Lyman
Mr. Richard E. Lyman
Mr. William A. McAuslan
Rev. Lorenzo C. McCarthv
Mr. Hugh F. MacColl
Mr. James R. MacColl
Mr. William B. MacColl
Mr. Arthur M. McCrillis
Miss Grace E. Macdonald
Mr. T. F. L McDonnell
Mrs. T. F. L McDonnell
Mr. Benjamin M. MacDougall
Mr. Charles B. Mackinney
Mrs. Herbert E. Maine
Mr. William L. Manchester
Mrs. William L. Manchester
Mr. Charles C. Marshall
Mrs. John F. Marvel
Mr. Fletcher S. Mason
Mr. Harold Mason
Mr. John H. Mason
Mrs. William B. Mason
Mrs. George S. Mathews
Mr. Archibald C. Matteson
Mr. Frank W. Matteson
Mr. William L. Mauran
LIST OF MEMBERS
87
Mrs. William L. Mauran
Mrs. Frank Everitt Maxwell
Mr. Harry V. Mayo
Rev. Charles A. Meader
Mrs. Paul A. Merriam
Mrs. Charles H. Mcrriman
Mrs. E. Bruce Merriman
Mr. Harold T. Merriman
Mr. Isaac B. Merriman
Mrs. E. T. H. Metcalf
Mr. G. Pierce Metcalf
Mr. Houghton P. Metcalf
Mrs. 1. Harris Metcalf
Hon. Jesse H. Metcalf
Mrs. Jesse H. Metcalf
Mr. Stephen O. Metcalf
Lt. Col. Willis C. Metcalf
Mr. William Davis Miller
Mrs. William Davis Miller
Mr. George L. Miner
Miss Lilian B. Miner
Hon. Louis Monast
Mr. G. A. Moriarty, Jr.
Mrs. Bentley W. Morse
Mr. Edward S. Moulton
Mrs. Edward S. Moulton
William M. Muncy, M.D.
Walter L. Munro, M.D.
Prof. Wilfred H. Munro
Mr. Addison P. Munroe
Mrs. Addison P. Munroe
Mr. Walter M. Murdie
Mr. Barnes Newberry
Mr. George P. Newell
Mr. George H. Newhall
Mr. Louis C. Newman
Miss Eliza Taft Newton
Mr. Paul C. Nicholson
Mr. Samuel M. Nicholson
Mr. Elmer D. Nickerson
Ira Hart Noyes, M.D.
Miss Mary Olcott
Mrs. Frank F. Olney
Mr. Erling C. Ostbv
Mr. Harald W. Ostbv
Mr. Raymond E. Ostby
Mr. Harry C. Owen
Mr. Frederick A. Paige
Mr. G. Richmond Parsons
Mrs. G. Richmond Parsons
H. G. Partridge, M.D.
Mr. Frederick S. Peck
Mrs. Frederick S. Peck
Mr. Stephen L Peck
Mrs. F. H. Peckham
Kathcrinc F. Peckham, M.D.
Mr. Augustus R. Peirce
Mr. Clarence E. Peirce
Mr. George E. Peirce
Mrs. George E. Peirce
Mr. John P. B. Peirce
Mr. Thomas A. Peirce
Mr. Charles M. Perry
Mr. Howard B. Perry
Rt. Rev. James DeWolf Perry
Mr. Marsden J. Perry
John M. Peters, M.D.
Mr. Albert N. Peterson
Mr. James F. Phetteplace
Mrs. James F. Phetteplace
Mr. Arthur L. Philbrick
Mr. Charles H. Philbrick
Mrs. Frank N. Phillips
Mrs. Gilbert A. Phillips
Mr. Byron A. Pierce
Mr. Thomas L. Pierce
Herman C. Pitts, M.D.
Mr. Albert H. Poland
Lewis B. Porter, M.D.
Prof. Albert K. Potter
Dr. Arthur M. Potter
Mr. B. Thomas Potter
Mrs. Dexter B. Potter
Mrs. Thomas L Hare Powel
Mr. Howard W. Preston
Mrs. Howard W. Preston
Miss Evclvn M. Purdv
Helen C. Putnam, M.D.
Mr. Patrick H. Quinn
Mrs. Gustav Radeke
88
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Mrs. George R. Ramsbottom
Mr. Walter E. Ranger
Mrs. C. K. Rathbone
Hon. Elmer J. Rathbun
Mr. George H. Raymond
Mrs. Irving E. Raymond
Mrs. Charles O. Read
Mrs. Joseph H. Regester
Mr. Charles C. Remington
Rhode Island State College
Mr. Dana Rice
Mr. Herbert W. Rice
Gen. John J. Richards
Miss Louise Richardson
Mr. Henry Isaac Richmond
Mr. Leonard M. Robinson
Mr. Louis E. Robinson
Mr. Robert Rodman
Rev. Arthur Rogers
Mrs. Mabel K. Rogers
Mr. Henry W. Sackett
Mr. Kenneth Shaw Safe
Mrs. T. Shaw Safe
Mr. Henry Salomon
Mrs. G. Coburn Sanctuary
Mrs. David S. Seaman
Mr. Henry M. Sessions
Prof. Robert F. Seybolt .
Miss Ellen D. Sharpe
Mr. Henry D. Sharpe
Mrs. Frederick E. Shaw
Mrs. Arthur N. Sheldon
Mr. Edward A. Sherman
Mr. Edwin F. Sherman
Mr. Harry B. Sherman
Mrs. Arthur F. Short
Prof. St. George L. Sioussat
Mrs. Charles Sisson
Mr. George Paul Slade
Mrs. Ruthven T. Slade
Mr. William A. Slade
Mr. Henry L. Slader
Mrs. Byron N. H. Smith
Mrs. Edwin C. Smith
Joseph Smith, M.D.
Mr. Nathaniel W. Smith
R. Morton Smith, M.D.
Mr. Walter B. Smith
Mrs. Whitney Smith
Mr. Sylvester M. Snow-
Mr. Robert L. Spencer
Mr. William A. Spicer
Mrs. Frank f. Sprague
Mr. Charles^R. Stark
Mrs. James G. Staton
Hon. Charles F. Stearns
Mr. Walter H. Stearns
Mrs. Charles J. Steedman
Mr. Thomas E. Steere
Mr. Oscar F. Stetson
Mr. Frederick A. Stevens
Miss Maud Lyman Stevens
Mr. Edward Clinton Stiness
Mr. Henry Y. Stitcs
Mr. Edward A. Stockwell
Mr. George A. Stone
Mr. Charles T. Straight
Mr. H. Nelson Street
Mr. Henry A. Street
Mr. John F. Street
Mr. Rush Sturges
Hon. Arthur P. Sumner
Mr. Frank H. Swan
Mrs. Gardner T. Swarts
Hon. fohn W. Sweenev
Mr. Robert W. Taft
Mr. Royal C. Taft
Bcnjam'in F. Tetft, M.D.
Mrs". Albert H. Tetlow
Mr. Charles F. Thatcher
Mrs. J. P. Thorndikc
Mrs. Frank W. Tillinghast
Mr. John A. Tillinghast
Mr. William R. Tillinghast
Louisa Paine Tingley, M.D.
Mr. F. L. Titsworth
Mrs. William O. Todd
Mrs. Stacy Tolman
Mr. Frederick E. Tripp
Mrs. Herman E. Trotter
LIST OF MEMBKRS
89
Mr. William ]. Tully
Mrs. Albert C. Tvlcr
Mr. D. Berkeley Updike
Mr. William H. \'anderbilt
Mr. William A. \'iall
Hon. Walter B. \'incent
Mrs. Arthur M. Walker
Mr. A. Tingley Wall
Mrs. Maurice K. Washburn
Mr. Frederick \'. Waterman
Mrs. Lewis A. Waterman
Prof. Arthur K. Watson
Mr. Byron S. Watson
Mr. Edward L. Watson
Mr. John J. Watson
Mrs. William B. Weeden
Mr. Edward H. Weeks
Mrs. Edward H. Weeks
Mr. Charles H. Welling
Mr. Richard Ward Greene Welling
Mr. Herbert ]. Wells
Mr. lohn H. Wells
Mr. Thomas H. West, Jr.
Mrs. Elizabeth Nicholson White
Mr. Herbert O. White
Mr. Willis H.White
Mrs. Gerald Whitman
Mrs. Henry .A. Whitmarsh
Mr. Victor Wilbour
Mr. Frank J. Wilder
Mrs. Elizabeth K. Wilkinson
W. Fred Williams, M.D.
Miss Amey L. Willson
Mr. Percy J. Wilson
Mr. William A. Wing
Mr. Wilson G. Wing
Mrs. George P. Winship
Mrs. Augustus A. Wolf
Mr. Carlos G. Wright
Mr. Nathan M. Wright
Mr. Lawrence C. Wroth
90 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The New England Flag
B\ Howard M. Chapin
The first so-called New England flag was a red flag
having a white canton in the upper corner near the staff/
It was in use from 1636 to 1686 and differed from the
contemporary English red ensign which carried a red cross
in the white canton. Although this flag with the plain
white canton is generally called the New England flag, it
may in reality have been merely a Massachusetts Bay col-
ony flag, for no evidence has been produced proving that
the flag was ever used by any other of the New England
colonies.
The second so-called New England flag was a white flag
with a red cross on which in gold appeared the King's
initials, I. R. in script surmounted by a crown. This flag
is illustrated in Samuel G. Arnold's "History of Rhode
Island.""' A contemporary drawing of this flag in colors is
preserved in London. Captain Byron McCandless, U. S.
N., the leading American authority on flags, called my
attention to the fact that this flag had gold fringe and that
there were tassels on the staff and that in design it was
similar to other flags carried by the King's soldiers. ' There
is nothing in the design of this flag that is distinctive of
New England. McCandless concludes that it was not the
territorial flag of New England, but merely the design for
the colors to be made for the use of the King's two com-
panies of foot soldiers in New England, which were au-
-^An illustration of this flag, together with a reprint of the documen-
tary evidence in regard to its use, is included in "Roger Williams and
the King's Colors" by Howard M. Chapin. Published by the Society
of Colonial Wars in Rhode Island, Providence, 1928.
-I, op. p. 496.
^Roger Williams and the King's Colors p. 24.
THE NEW ENGLAND FLAG QI
thorized at this time, 1686. The sketch of this flag,,
which was painted in 1686, is inscribed "New England
Colours", a phrase which might mean the New England
territorial colors^ as has been believed for over half a cen-
tury, or which might equally as well mean that the design
was jor colors to be sent to Nezv England, or colors for the
Nezv England soldiers.
The third so-called New England flag is often described
as the pine tree flag. If the flag with the plain white can-
ton was really the flag of the colony of Massachusetts Bay,
as is quite possible, and if the so-called New England
Colours of 1686 was merely the design for the flag to be
carried by the King's soldiers in New England, as seems
highly probably, then the tree flag is the first real flag dis-
tinctive of New England.
This tree flag appears under various forms. The earliest
reference to it was discovered by W. G. Perrin, Esq., the
leading British authority on flags, in Lieutenant Graydon's
manuscript flag book^ in the Pepysian Library at Magdal-
ene College, Cambridge. The book is dated 1686 and the
flag is illustrated in color, presumably drawn and painted
by Lieutenant Graydon himself in the year 1686.
The flag is a white flag with a red cross (the St. George
flag) with an oak tree in the first canton or quarter. The
oak tree is green, outlined in black and powdered with
gold dots. The flag is entitled "New England" and as it
is placed beside the English merchant jack which it closely
resembles, it seems safe to assume that it was the New
England tree flag in its jack form. The black outline and
the gold dots were presumably not essential to the design,
but were doubtless the embellishments of some artistically
inclined flag-maker, or possibly of Graydon himself. The
fact that an oak tree and not a pine tree was used is note-
worthv.
*'insignia Navalia by Lt. Gradon, 1686'", p. 19.
92 RHODK ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The pine tree shillings of colonial Massachusetts have
been so famous that the fact that the willow tree and the
oak tree also appeared on the early coins of the colony of
Massachusetts Bay has to a great extent been forgotten.
George C. Arnold" lists five denominations of oak tree cur-
rency, four of pine tree and two of willow tree. Dr. Mal-
colm Storer, in a still more recent study of the subject,"
states that the oak tree was used on at least nine varieties of
dies. He points out the fact that the date on a particular
coin is not the date of issue, and that pine tree shillings,
issued up to the time the mint was abolished about 1688,
still bore the date 1 652. He concludes that the willow tree
series was minted first and that the device was changed to
an oak tree in 1662.
The tree, whether willow, oak, or pine, was one of the
devices commonly used in Massachusetts Bay as symbolic
of that colony, and as Massachusetts Bay dominated New
England commercially, its devices often came to be con-
sidered, especially overseas, as symbolic of New England
as a conscious geographic, even if not a legal political en-
tity.
Felt, in his history of Massachusetts currency,' relates
the following anecdote in regard to the oak tree shilling.
"Relative to our own specie, an interesting turn was
given by Thomas Temple — a warm friend of New Eng-
land and Governor of Nova Scotia — in conversation with
His Majesty, Charles II. Being introduced to the King,
while on a visit to London, he was permitted to kiss his
hand. This sovereign discoursed with him on the state of
affairs in Massachusetts, and discovered great warmth of
^Numismatic Guide. Providence, 1914, 12th edition.
''Old-Time New England, October, 1929.
'^Felt, pp. 38-39. Preble, p. 190, gives a variant story, crediting the
remarks to Sir Charles Temple. Storer in "Old Time New England"
gives a third variety of the anecdote.
THE NKVV K.\(;LA.\I) FLAG 93
feeling against them. Among other things, he said, that
they had inxaded his right by coining money. Governor
Temple told hnn, that the colonists thought it no crime to
make money for their own use. In course of the interview^
Mr. Temple took some of our coin from his pocket and pre-
sented it to the king. Seeing a tree on one of the pieces,
Charles inc]uired what sort of a tree that was. The im-
mediate reply was, it was the royal oak, which preserved
his majesty's life. Such an answer brought the king to good
humor, and induced him to hear the pleas which the gov-
ernor made in favor of our colony. It is presumed from
the character of Mr. Temple, that on this occasion he in-
tended no deceit, but a pleasant, figurative allusion to a
remarkable preservation of his majesty."
It seems probable that the original idea was to have on
the coins a tree symbolic of the forests with their poten-
tial resources and that any tree'^ was therefore considered
satisfactory. Subsequently at a much later date more pine
tree coins were minted and circulated, so that the name
fine tree shilling came into use. It will be remembered
that at a later date the codfish was used in Massachusetts as
symbolic of the importance of that industry.
The next reference to the New England flag seems to be
in "Le Neptune Francois,"' published at Amsterdam by
Pieter Mortier in 1693. It is shown in colors as a blue flag
with a white canton containing the red cross of St. George,
with a tree in the first quarter. The tree resembles a pine
tree more than an oak tree and presumably was green on
the flag. The illustration is entitled "Pavilion Anglois de
la N. Angleterre. Rouge. &c. Engelse Mag van N. Enge-
'^The act of the Massachusetts General Court of October 19, 165 2,
specifies a tree, but does not specify the sort of tree.
•'Preble, p. 1 89, apparently refers to this book. A copy of this edition
is in the Library of Congress. There is a 1703 edition with Hag sheets
struck from the same plates.
•94
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
landt. Rood. &c." The tincture lines also show the color
of the held of the flag to be blue, but the description in the
text after the name of the flag would seem to indicate that
the field was red. The flags are hand colored and some
1
'm.vcA ■
^HM^^
ij
^''iW-- ■
t%:-
^
""^^-^^^ J^ r
^n^ l^p
9^^
,
^^^^#., X- i
i: J -; ./I'
^^^
^5 1 ^
#^#i
mm
^^p^^ffl^^
ta
iVNTIXON JiSGLOlS
THE NEW ENGLAND FLAG AS SHOWN IN "LH NKPLUNE FRANCOIS," 1693
TrGni copy ozvned by ]l'illia//i Davis Miller.
THE NEW ENGLAND TREE FLAG AS SHOWN LN ANOTHER COPY
OF "lE NEPTUNE FRANCOIS," 1693
In this copy the flag is so heavily painted that the tincture lines do
not show and owing to careless brush work the tree resembles a globe.
THE NF.W EN (-.LAND FEAG
95
copies are shown with red held, white canton, red cross
and green tree.'"
f^ew Ei^/enJ Enftgn
FROM "tHK PKl SKN I -I \1 1 OF IHK I'MVKR-^K,"' 1701
I/i the Admiralty Librarw Lomloii
The hrst English book that contains an illustration of
the tree flag is John Beaumont's "The Present State of the
Universe,"" wherein the flag appears in colors as a red
flag with a white canton having a red cross, with a green
oak tree in the hrst quarter. The oak tree is outlined in
black, doubtless an unessential detail, and the flag is en-
titled "New England Ensign." The appearance of the oak
tree in the drawing of 1686 and also in the printed illus-
'"Copv of 1693 edition in New York Historical Society Library.
"Anonymous. The 1694 edition is in the British Museum and does
not contain the flag plate which appears in the 1701 edition. The 1701
(3d edit), is in the Librarv of Congress and in the Admiralty Library,
London. The 1704 (fourth edition) is in the Library of Congress. The
flag may have been printed in the second edition. One reason for
believing that the flag plate appeared in the second edition is that
Drake (Hist, of Boston, p. 300) used an illustration of the New Eng-
land flag which seems to be a simulation of the one printed in "The
Present State of the L'^nivcrse" and states that it is "exactly copied"
from an "English work published before 1700". He adds "we find a
tree in the colors then in use no more representing a fine than it does
a cabbage''^ . There was in fact no intention of representing a pine tree
in this flag.
96
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
tration of 1701 is significant, especially as these two draw-
ings are evidently from different sources.
THE NEW ENGLAND FLAG AS SHOWN IN "lUE DOMINION OF THE
SEAS," 170 5
Fro?>i copy ozoied by Capt. Byron McCandless, U. S. N.
The next English book that contains an illustration of
the New England tree flag seems to be "A General
Treatise of the Dominion of the Sea and a Complete Body
of the Sea Laws," London, 1705. It is anonymous but
ascribed to Alexander Justice.^' The "New England En-
sign" is shown with a red held, a red cross in a white canton,
and with a very crudely drawn tree in the first canton of
the cross. The color of the tree is not indicated but the
other colors are indicated by tincture lines. The tree it-
self looks more like a palm tree than a pine tree, although it
might have been intended to represent an oak or a willow.
How extensively the tree fag was used in New Eng-
^ "Anonymous, but ascribed to Justice. The earliest edition we have
located is that of 1705, copies of which are in the British Museum, in
the Admiralty Library, London, and in the Library of Congress. Copies
of the third edition (issued after 1707, probably about 1710) are in
the British Museum and in the Admiralty Library. McCandless' copy
of this edition contains a manuscript note to the effect that the work
was by Welwod and was first issued in 1696, and reprinted in 1705.
This note may be in error. There is a copy in the library of William
Davis Miller.
THE NEW ENGLAND FLAG 97
land, and on New England ships, must remain a matter
of conjecture, but it seems safe to assume that the tree
-flag in its jack form was used on New England ships, par-
ticularly in the reign of James II, and that the tree flag in
its ensign form was used at least as early as the reign of
William III.
The first dated reference to the globe flag seems to be
in the "Schouw-Park aller Scheeps-Vlaggen" or "Tableau
des Pavilions de Mer," which was published by Pieter
Schenck at Amsterdam in 171 1.'' The New England flag
is shown hand colored and with the colors also shown by
tincture lines, as a bJue flag, having a white canton with a
red cross and with a globe on a standard in the first quarter
of the canton. The globe is outlined in black, but no color
is specified. No reference to this globe flag has been found
in any contemporary English or American writings, and
the fact that this first reference to it is found in a flag sheet
printed in Holland, suggests the interesting possibility
that the globe may have been a mistake on the part of some
French or Dutch flag artist, or observer. The shape of the
tree as drawn m the French Neptune and by Beaumont,
resembles in general the shape of a globe on a standard,
and an observer or artist copying the design from a flutter-
ing flag or from confused notes might easily have made
such a mistake.
In the year 1718 D. Mortier published at Amsterdam a
book entitled "Les Pavilions ou Bannieres. . . "'^ In this
volume the New England flag is described as the "Pavil-
ion de la Nouvelle Angleterre en Amerique" and is illus-
trated w^ith the colors shown by tincture lines.
^ ''There is a copy in the library of William Davis Miller.
^ "'These pages are also included in a larger volume entitled "L'Art de
Batir. . ." which was issued in 1718. A copy is in the Admiralty
Library. There is a copy of the 1719 edition of "L'Art de Batir" in
the John Hay Librar\- in Providence.
98
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Pavilj^on de l.\
NOUVELLE ANGI.ETERRE er. AMERK^UE
From "L'Art dc Ratir . . . ," published by D. Morticr in 1 7 1 9.
Thcrf Is i! copy in tlu- lihrary of William Davis Miller and in
John Hay Library, Hruzcn Ufii-versify, Proz'idence.
The fact that this globe fag is not shown in any Eng-
lish or American books printed in the colonial period and
that its first appearance in an English publication is in 1783
in Carrington Bowles'^ " book, wherein it appears in colors,
being colored as in Mortier's book, with the globe outlined
in black and uncolored, and with the title "Nouve Angle-
terre" is significant. As the book is printed in English, the
French title of this illustration indicates that this flag
design was drawn from some French book.
But to return to Mortier, we find that the editor of that
■^''In the Admiralty Library, London.
THK XKW KXGLAND FLACI 99
book undertook to explain the significance of the globe in
the New England flag. An explanatory note reads:
"Pavilion de la Nouvelle Angleterre en Amenque. II
est bleu au franc quartier d'argent, ecartele d'une Croix
rouge, ayant au premier c^uartier une Sphere Celeste, fai-
sant allusion a V Amenque ^ qu'on nomme communement
le Noiiveau Adunde.^^ This flag appears in the "Table des
Pavilions" which was issued by Covens and Mortier at
Amsterdam,'" anci which though ascribed to about 1720
was probably published beft^re 1711.
There seems to be little contemporary evidence in re-
gard to the use of the New England tree flag after the
reign of William III. The appearance of the flag in later
editions of the "Neptune Francois", "The Dominion of
the S'jas", and "The Present State of the Universe", does
not of course signify that the flag was still in use at the time
of the later editions, but merely that it was thought to be
in use at the time of the edition in which the illustration
first appeared. The appearance of the globe flag in the
1711 "Schauw-Park" and in the L'Art cie Batir of 1718 is
of practically no value as evidence in regard to the actual
usage of the New England flag, unless the fact that the
globe flag of 1711 was an erroneous attempt to reproduce
the tree flag of 1693, might be taken as evidence that the
New England flag had become so uncommon that its de-
vice was practically unknown in Holland in 1711. From
this it niight be argued with a fair amount of probability
that the New Englanci tree flag fell out of use as a mari-
time flag in or before the reign of Anne. Its use as an en-
sign and as a jack apparently was made illegal by the flag
ac^tof 1707.
It probably persisted in one or more forms as a distin-
guishing regimental (or mt)re properly perhaps a com-
pany) flag in New England, but such use would naturally
"'Copy in the lihrary of William I_)avis Miller and in the Libran^ of
Congress.
100 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
not be known abroad at that time. The reason for believing
that it continued to be used by some New England militia
is because the p'nie tree blue ensign (that is the pine tree
flag with the blue field such as was illustrated in the 1693
"Neptune Francois" is alleged to have been carried by
Massachusetts soldiers at the Battle of Bunker Hill in
1775.
The first condition of the Covens and Mortier flag sheet
was copied by a German publisher, and in this German
edition^' the vertical or longitudinal lines on the globe
were omitted, leaving only the horizontal or latitudinal
lines. These horizontal lines might be mistaken for blue
tincture lines and indeed were so mistaken in at least one
case in another German reprint, and the globe was colored
blue.^^ In this case the blue paint was put on so carelessly
and heavily that it is opaque and the engraved lines of the
globe are concealed, leaving a blue blotch.
Bequest
Miss Emily J. Anthony, for many years a member of the
Society, died on May 16. She left a bequest of $4000 to
the Societv.
''Copy of Flaggen Aller Seefahrenden Potenzen von lohann Baptist
Homann in Nurnherg, owned by William Davis Miller.
^■■^Copv of Flaggen Aller Seefahrenden Potenzen von Matthaus Seut-
ter in Augsberg, about 1780, owned h\ William Davis Miller.
Roger Williams Press
^i"
E. A. Johnson Co.
PROVIDENCE
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XXIII
OCTOBER, 1930
No. 4
SEVENTEENTH CENTURY RHODE ISLAND THIMBLES
The one at the right belonged to Esther Willctt, and the other two
belonged to the Squaw Sachem Weunquesh.
/;; the Society's Museum. See page 126.
J>
^ijoy^
Issued Quarterly
68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island
CONTENTS
Metcalf Bowler as a British Spy
by Jane Clark . . . .
Watermarks on Rhode Island Paper
Thomas James ....
Steamboats Miantonomi and Canonchet
Window from Arthur Fenner House
Spoon made by Gideon Casey .
Chair owned by Governor Janies Fenner
Ship Joshua Mauran
Seventeenth Century Thimbles
Notes
Court Dress of William Hopkins
Heraldic Notes — Carpenter
{Illustrated by Harold Bowditch)
Page
101
117
120
121
122
123
1 2 1-
125
Cover and 126
127
129
131
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
^"^^'lliiiiii'iliiliiiiilll
COLLECTIONS
VOL. XXIII
October, 1930
No. 4
Addison P. Mcnroe, Piesuie/it Gilbhrp A. Harrin<.ion, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian
The Society assumes no rcsponsibilit\- for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
Mctcalt Bowler as a British Spy
■ By Jane Clark
In the v'ears following the American Revolution, Sir
Henry Clinton, erstwhile commander-in-chief of His
Britannic Majesty's armies in North America (1778-
1782), was hghting his battles over again in print. His
principal ammunition were the twenty thousand letters,
returns, accounts, memorials, intelligence papers, and
memoranda, which he had brought back from America.
These had been scattered in chests and boxes at his house
in the countr\', and in bureau drawers and pigeon holes at
his town house in Porthind Place. At least one bundle
had been tucked away in the seat of his carriage. Sir
Henry Clinton's collection of the British Headquarters
Papers was purchased in 1926 by Mr. William L. Clem-
ents for his Library at the University of Michigan. Buried
among these was the story of a Rhode Island "patriot"
who had corresponded with the enemy.
101
102 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
As the papers came to America in their original dis-
order, It IS not surprising that the story was unraveJleci
backwards. In the hrst month of catalogumg, i found
mispiaced in the Arnold-Andre treason correspondence,
hve letcers or "intelligence' written at Providence, R. 1.,
and signed "S. H." Almost a year later, when new boxes
were opened for the first time, two letters signed "Rusti-
cus" were found among deserters' depositions, dispatches
to Lord George Germain and papers about the Burgoyne
campaign. "S. H.", and many a better man, had been
crowded from my memory by hundreds of other names,
but "Rusticus" remained. He had begged Sir Henry Clin-
ton not to disclose his name to anyone, and I began to
think Sir Henry had granted his prayer, when, after the
lapse of another year's cataloguing, I found another letter
in "Rusticus' " upright hand. This one, however, was
signed in bold letters "Metcalf Bowler." The name sud-
denly reminded me that "S. H." had mentioned "Mrs.
Bowler" whom I had taken to be his daughter. The hand-
writings of the letters were checked, the pieces of the
puzzle fitted together and the secret was out. Metcalf
Bowler's correspondence with the enemy is published here-
with.
Jane Clark.
Portsmouth Deer 12th 1776
Sir
From some peculiar Circumstances attending my situation in Life,
have been unwarily- led from my Duty, to the King, and joined the
Provincials, in their Opposition to His Majesty's legal Government,
and accepted of some offices, inconsistent, with my Alegiance to His
Majesty- — hut since the arrival of the British Forces on Rhode Island,
(and having the opportunity of seeing His Majesty's most gracious
Proclamation) have desisted from accting in any capacity, contrary to
His Majesty's Government — and propose to submit myself to His
Majesty's Clemency, as soon as I am able, to wait on your Fxcellency —
METCALF BOWLKR AS A BRITISH SPY IO3
I would beg leave just to observe — I am cloathcd, by the Governor &
Company of Rhode Island, with a Commission, as Chief Justice of the
Superior Court of judicature Court of Assize &c throughout this Colony,
and have sustained the Office of a Judge of that Court, upwards of Six
Years — ^\'et should y*" Excellencv judge it incompatible, with His Maj-
est\''s Governmt to retain that Commission shall when required of by your
Excellency, deliver it up — as the Hessian troopsarequartered on the island
and having committed many outrages, and depredations, on many of the
Inhabittants, by entring their Houses, and plundering their Effects,
and even putting them in fear of their Lives — as I am situated on the
Island, should esteem it a faveur, and indulgence, if your Excellency,
would order, as soon as convienient a Guard to my Habitation at Ports-
mouth that I mav be Protected, from the Insults of the Hessians —
haveing put my self, under the Protection of His Majesty's Troops,
which Indullgence, shall be gratefully acknowledged, hv him
Who has the Honor to Subscribe
With great defFerence & regard
Yr Excellency's Most obed* humble Servt
Metcalf Bowi.er
To the Comm"" in Chief of His Majestv's Forces in Rhode Island
Portsmouth Rhode Island Sep"" 15th 1778
Sir
When I had the Honor of Conversing with your Excellency a short
time ago at Newport — you desired I would keep up an epistolary cor-
respondance with your Excellency at New York — throo the hands of
Cap* Savage — having since your departure thought a great deal on that
Subject — and at length come to a determination to do mv self that
Honor — tho' should it ever come to the knowledge of the Provincials —
shall run a violent risque of my Life and forfeiture of mv Estate both
Real and Personal — but as you pledg'd your Honor to me — my Name
should never be made mention of — nor called into question — my
Letters percused by no Person saving your self — that I might make use
of what Signature I pleas'd so now I commit my Life and Fortune into
vour Hands and Protection — and hereafter shall address \ou bv the
104 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Signature of (Rusticus) — but am afraid from my present-situation my
Correspondance will be producti\'e of little service to His Majestv —
for the Person from whom I might hope to gain intelligence will be
afraid to Correspond frequently wi-th me here — owing to the difficulty
of Conveyance and apprehension of being detected — But was I upon
the Main my self — think 1 could easih' con\ev anv intelligence neces-
sary to some Person in Newport to be forwarded to vour self at New
York — 1 am willing provided y'' Excellenc\ thought mv going with mv
Family on the Main might be productive of anv essential Service to
His Majest^-'s Government — and \-ou would be willing to advance
me a Sum in Specie to carry with me — which I might make use of
(rendring }'ou an account of the expenditure) not only for mv own
support — but for other necessary- and essential purposes — consent to
quit my Habitation at Portsmouth and lea\"e m\- Estate in Town and
Country in your Possesion — and I think 1 dare almost assure your
Excellenc\-- — soon after iwv arrival at Pro\ idence of becomeing a Mem-
ber of their Council of War — a Representative in the General Assembly
— and as the choice for a new set of Delegates — for this State com-
mences next Spring — should it be vour will and pleasure — with some
pecuniar}- assistance — of being returned one of the Delegates in Con-
gress— however that and the proposal now made of leaving the Island
submit to your superior Judgement to determine will onh' add — that
there never could be a more favorable opportunit\- for nw being received
in the most cordial manner amongst them than at this juncture — having
whilst the}' were on the Island — made grievous complaints (and give
me leave to say not without reason) of m\' treatment hv the Kings
Troops — my Property- having been destro^•ed or taken for His Majesty's
Service — your T',xcel]i-nc^' ■will therefore take the whole into considera-
Uon — and return me an AnsAver — as soon as possible — bv the same
conveyance that this reaches A'our hands — should your Excellency think
it not expedient for me to leave the Island — but tarr^• on it this Winter
— 1 must earnestly intreat \our r",xce]]enc\' would give Orders — to who
ever may be the Comm'" in Chief of the Troops on Rhode Island —
that my Person and Property' mav be protected from Insults — and that
I may be allowed some recompence for mv Property which has been
wantonly destroyed or taken from me into His Majesty's Service — my
House and Garden on the Hill in the Town of Newport — has been
METCALI'' BOWLER AS A BRITISH SPY IO5
taken out of my possesion and converted into an Hospital for the use
of His Majesty's 43'' Regm* — nigh eigteen months ago — m\' Farm
where on I dwell — ib an entire Waste — having had an Incampment on
it for this two rears past — not a rail left nor single Fence on the whole
Farm — that have not been able to raise the least produce for the sup-
port of m\' Famih" — sa\ing what Sauce mv Garden produced — my only
Cow the support of n\v Children — most wantonly Butcherd since the
Provincials quitted the Island — my Library plunderd of Sixty odd
\'olumes — m\' Three Horses iSc Colt on my Farm with my Cart — taken
from me into the Kings Service — and altho the Qu^' M*" Gen" issued
an Advertisement that ever\' Inhabittant should come and receive his
Propert\' that was taken from him — notwithstanding repeated applica-
tions have not been able to procure the return of either Horses or Cart
or an\' satisfaction — in short such has been the severe treatment I have
met with of late — that am almost discouraged — and without some
alleviations or assistance — I shall not be able to support my self and
famih' on the Island — throo' the approaching — dismal dreary Winter —
I have recapitulated m\' Distrest Circumstances not doubting you will
take them into consideration and from your wonted Goodness and
Humanitv — \ou wili commisserate m\" ver\" unhappy condition — and
order me some Redress — in such manner as shall be most agreeable to
A'our Excellency — should I be permitted to leave the Island doubt not
you will order a Flag to be procured to transport my family Furniture &
and one Black Servant I have with me which is the only help we have
to do family business — I would mention one circumstance which had
like to have slipp'd mv Memmorv — and for which have like to have been
brought onto trouble — \<)ur ]'",\cellenc^' remembers when you took the
Papers from me two \ears ago almost — I inform'd I had some Paper
Money m\' own Propert\- — which \ou was kind enough to say I might
keep — when the Provincials was on the Island — having not a pair Oxen
on my Farm to Cart Wood or Plough the Ground — meeting with a
Farmer who came on with a Load of Flour for the Provincials and was
discharged by them — and going home on the NLain — I tempted the Man
with a large Price in Paper Money for his Oxen & Cart — and pur-
chasd them with the Monev vou was so kind as to leave me — for my own
and His Majesty's Service took a receipt for the Mone\" — and made
report thereof to the first Kings OfHcer I saw — after the Provincials
I06 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
retreated S"" Robert Pigot threatens to take them from me as Rebell
Property in expectation of hearing from you I remain v'' most obd*^ hubJe
Servt Rusticus
His Excellency Sir Henrv Clinton
October v<^ 22*^ 1778
Sir
Your favor in answer to mine of v*^ 1 5th Sep'' this receiv'd by the
hands of Cap'. Savage — I perceive by the contents I have your per-
mission to go to the Main with my Family — onlv }ou have mistaken
the Place Connecticut for Providence- — as I have no manner of connec-
tion in Connecticut Government — you mention mv comeing to you
at New York — to settle some affairs — before mv departure for Provi-
dence— what ever Commands you may have for me to execute — must
be transmitted me here — throo' the channell of Capt Savage for should
I attempt going to New York — or was it onlv surmised I purposed
such a thing — I should never be admitted to return amongst the Pro-
vincials— you will be pleas'd therefore to reconsider that matter — and
give me your permission if vou iudge it to be necessary for me to take
my departure with my Family — directly from this Place — and permit
me to have a Flag to take me my Furniture and Family on board from
near my own own shoar — as it will save the expence of carting my Furni-
ture &c to Newport — not hearing from you of some considerable time —
had almost determined to try to tarry out the Winter on the Island —
and been makeing the necessary provision oi Fuel &c — however if
you judge it expedient for mc to leave the Island this Fall — and
repair to Providence with my Family — on receiving \our Commands
shall instantly obey- — and if all be makeing the necessary preparations
for my embarkation in expectation of receiving your further Com-
mands as soon as possible — voull please to be as explicit as you can in
your Instructions and you shall find them fullftl'd as far as lies in my
Power — you will not forget to order me the — necessary — without some
of which shall cut but a despicable Figure — I must entreat your Excel-
lency would keep the whole that passes between us in vour own breast —
for should it ever come to the Provincials knowledge — of my Cor-
respondance nothing short of my Life — would pay the Forfeit — in
METCALF BOWLER AS A BRITISH SPY IO7
expectation of liearing from you bv first oppertunity — I remain
With great esteem and regard
y^ Excellency's most obed' Serv'
H- T? 11 /^ 11 ^^r . Rusticus
IS hxcellency Cjen" Clinton
I receivd yours and shall endeavour to comply with the request if
possible — strict orders having been given out for searching Man Woman
and Child going down or comeing from Newport — however have got
Mrs. Moody to take charge of this and hope it will reach your hands
in safety the most material news prevailing is the capture of the Georgia
Fleet which youll perceive by the news papers that have sent my
daughter and its confidently whispered that a Fleet of Twelve Sail of
the Line with Five Frigates French & Spaniards where to sail from
Brest for North xAmerica in a short time after the Cutter that arriv'd
from France and its taulked when the Fleet arrives another attack will
be made in Rhode Island — however there is no sign of any — prepara-
tions going forward here as yet on the contrary they are strongly forti-
fying the Town and Huntingtons Regiment is under orders from New
London for this place I believe the proposals said to be made for peace
through the medium of the Court of Spain — would be accepted [torn]
not [for the claim of | * the whole of the newfoundland fishery being
claimed as a teritorial diminion however the people in general are
heartily sick of the War and if not soon over the horrid depreciation of
their currency added to their internal distresses of their avarciousness in
devouring one another must in the end finah" — reduce them to sue
for peace — should there be nothing ver\- matieral turn up before the
1st May shall hardly dare to venture writeing again without I see my
way perfectly clear — as your not sensible of the great danger I expose
my self and family to and after the charge I have paid for the Flag
carting my Goods to Newport and the great damage done m\' Furni-
ture shall even be out of pocket and house hardh' an}' thing left for
the support and maintaineance of mv family my-Daughter being left
behind has caused great suspiscion here and 1 am rather watch'd with
a jealous eye — and as surely as caught in any correspondence no mercy
will be extended — however shall yet remain friendly disposed tho have
been 90 sever]\' handled at Newport farewell yrs. S. H.
'■"Tliis pluasf lias been crossed out.
I08 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Providence April 2 5th 1779
mv trunk and Mrs. Bakers when brought up to this town under whent
the most strictest examination eving to information being receivd she
brought of a large parcell of counterfeit paper money — but their search
proved abortive nothing being-found in her or my trunks and she having
been gone down to Boston some day before in the Stage Coach.
In addition to what was wrote last — an express arriv'd from Con-
gress this week and the Brigade stationed in this Town are now [torn]
marching orders — and its said an expedition is on foot against Canada —
[torn] Genl Sullivan is to have the Chief Command — that a French
Fleet is expect [ed to] join them up the River St. Laurence by the
latter end of this month at fart [her pt.] its rumor'd all three of the
Brigades in this Vicinity are to hold them-selves in readiness to march
at an Hours notice — however they will not stir until they receive
their back wages due to them which are deficient above six months
they are ordered to be paid up to this date — but no Paper money yet
arrivVl all their public offices are destitute of even the Paper trash this
causes great murmurings (however the taulk is) the expedition is
against Canada. — 1 am apt to think from the orders issu'd and car-
penters procurd and sent off — for to repair all the flatt bottom boats
in the different parts of this and also the neighboring States that the
expedition on foot most probable will be against Rhode Island and that
thev are in expect;.tion of a French Fleet to arrive on this Coast the
latter end of the Month but its only m}' own conjecture I know nothing
for certain — Congress has certainly empowered their Ambasadors at
the Court of France to treat with the Court of Great Britian on Terms
of Peace which are to be Negotiated through the Medium of the
Spanish Ambasador 1 am now running the grandest risque possible
and pledging mv Life at stake, and for what a paltry pittance, that has
been more than expended in the transportation of my family and effects,
and all promises made me been violated — without something handsome
is done soon, to make me compensation, and encourage me to persevere,
vou must not expect to hear further from me — as I think I have dis-
charged mv promise, made punctualy, and cannot think of jeapordising
mv self and familv anymore — tho shall never do any thing prejudicial
to government, -vou mav rely on, but keep my self a strick neuter, until
METCALF nOWr.KR AS A BRITISH SPY lOQ
affairs arc settled. I might have been commissars General, of this depart-
ment but absoluteh-refused intermedling with any office — the stricktest
search is made off every person going down or comeing up from New-
port— then should \ou send an\- message or any thing }'ou must be
cxtreemh' carefull and c.uitious.
Providence May 11th 1779 S. H.
Providence [une 5th 1779
Altho' I said in iv.v last vou must not expect to hear from me again —
until some thing handsome was further done having as I before observed
expended the whole gratuity in removeing my family Sec. contrary to
mv expectation and the strongest assurances given \'et as \ou seem
desirous of hearing from me, cannot resist my strong inclination, to
serve ni\' Friends — especiah' as I am assured the con\"e\'ancc will be
safe — nothing verv material his turnVl up since I wrote last only the
intended expedition seems to be entirely dropt at present, and we are
as I think onh' on the defensive — altho' the G. G. is in great expecta-
tion of the arrivel of a trench fleet on the coast hourh', and is abso-
luteh makeing the necessar\' preparations, tor a desent on the Island,
should the\' arrive — ever\' Boat is in readiness, the Waggons all pre-
pared— and Thirty Men working every day in the Labratory, make-
ing cartridges, and other necessar\' warlike stores — the Militia all round,
are order'd to be in readiness, with three days Provisions readv cook'd,
and boats sent out to discover tiie Fleet, and gi\'e the ver^-earliest
intelligence, should thcv arrive on the coast — notwithstanding all this
militar\' preparation — I am sure, the-v ha\'e no other foundation for the
expectation of a Fleet — than barel\' what one Lt De\'ilicrs who was
Capt of Marines on board tlie Dean Frigate, that arrivd some time ago
in the Ri\"er Delaware from Martinico Avho sa\'s that he dined on
board the Languedoc — and that Count De Kstaing told him — he might
inform the americans he should be in their Seas hv the tenth day of
June at farthest — 1 think the\' seem now rather apprehensive of a
\'isit from \()u — as the Brigade stationed in this Town which does not
exceed 1000 effective men — lay on their arms several nights past they
are encamped on the Hill abo\"e Mr. Snow's Meeting House
I ha\e lateU' made a tour Ui Boston, and was there durring their Genii
Election — I find the people much divided every one wishing an end
no RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
of the contest, and dcpriciating the first Authors of their Miscrv —
in short their Currency is becomeing such vile trash, that thev value
it not more, than the dirt under their feet all the trade carried on,
is meer chicanery, or a knavery, not an upright honest trader, to he
found amongst them — I myself exchanged Dollars as twentv five for
one — and indeed, the;/ withheld, their most valuable comodities and
would not dispose of them for the paper trash — between the Farmer
and the Merchant the poor people are squees'd to Death — everv neces-
sary article of life is about fifty p Cent dearer, than here, with us —
I heard many that were high Sons of Liberty formerly sav — that was a
B. fleet to appear and Blockade the Harbor, — and a land force lav Siege
to the Town — not an hundred Inhabittants would go out — for thev
had rather submit to B. Government, than be oppressed in the manner
they now are — I saw many Friends, who are vet there, and seem to
keep up their spirit, in hopes of deliverance, in due time — there are
no Continental Troops in Boston at present nor in its environs save a
few Invalids, and G. Heath who commands in that — department
has just received orders, to repair to G. Washintons Camp — we have
here — Glovers Brigade Consistg of about 1000 eltective Men Cornells
Brigade which is small, at Tiverton, and its environs — \'arnums Bri-
gade, which is but very small — Sherburnes Regmt at Bristol and Warren
— a Regiment at Greenwich South Kingston and along that shoar — a
company or two of y*" Black Corps are — stationed at Warwick Neck,
and its environs — 1 only give this information of their station of the
Troops, from what 1 have collected, having never seen them mv self—
but am thouroughly convinced, thev cant raise on an alarm, for some
very considerable time, above 2000 effective men — the Train of Artil-
lery— which are in this Town, and perhaps make amot to about 300
effective Men last week our Govr receiv'd a Let'' from G. Washington
pressing the sending forward the States quota of Troops, which thev haci
voted to raise, and at the same time informing them, their affairs, wore a
gloomy aspect, and that he had received-certain intelligence that the B.
Army would be reinforced, with 10,000 men from G. Britain, to acct
offensively, this Campaign — that there cfid not appear the least pros-
pect of an accomodation, taking place and without his Army was
speedih" reinforced, he must quit the Field, this Let'' is kept as a great
secreet, but I got the intelligence, from one of the Govts family — Con-
IMl/n AIJ-" BdWI.KR AS A BRITISH SPY Hi
grcss have been sitting this Three Months, to stop the depreciation
of the Currency, but having at length got as far as the rule of Puzzle
have given over the attempting any remedy, better than taxation —
and have ordered, that Forty Five Million of Dollars, be called in bv a
Tax, on the States by the hrst day January 1 780, — which in my oppinion,
instedd of helping the great depreciation, will serve to depreciate it
still lower — no Persons of any Consequence, seems inclined, to inter-
feer in Government affairs — Governmnt is at present conducted, by a set
of low, ignorant, headstrong Men — I have been stronglv solicited, to
except several posts, but have declin'd them — thinking I can at present
do much more service in a private station, than a public. — I keep Shop
for a Li\'elyhood. — tho had but few Goods to sell every European
Article being so very scarce here, and estravegantly dear therefore at
present, confine my self, to the West India Produce — G. G. has swore
the first person he catches, conveying intelligence, he will directly hang
up. — therefore think what violent risque I run, and tremble every-
moment, at the consequence, of a discovery — however I flatter 1 shall
not fail of a Reward hereafter, adieu Y P S:
S. H.
I wrote vou some time ago giving \'ou a full account of affairs as they
stood then — Since which have not heard anv thing from \'ou — tho
trust your generosity — since which the Brigade statiend in this Town
marchd last week and are halted at New London we have here onlv
Jacksons small Regiment and they came from Patuxet — they are
under great consternation for fear of an attack as am confident there
could not be 1000 etTective men raisd under some very considerable
time — and \ery few of the inhabitants would turn out — and much
more dificulty to bring in the Cunty People — who are now in the
higth of harvest — if ever strike whilst the Iron is Hot — I cant learn
of only two Brigades of continental troops in all Connecticut and one
is that march'd from this place — but verv few of the train of artilery
is here at present — and the\' are in no manner prepar'd for an attack —
there is taulk of calling in 1000 Militia from the Massachusets — how
soon they mav arrl\e cant tell — the great news from the Southward
of the defeat before Charlestown proves premature there acctualy having
been no attack on the Lines — but il K — ^- Troops are in possession
112 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
of Fort Johnston and command Ashlc}' River — tho it still reported
the G. Moultrie whent out and attacked and kill'd and took 7 5 3. tho
believe it wants much confirmation — thev are extreemlv jealous of me
of late and seem ver\' sh\' — as I dont solicit any favours nor accept of
anv — offers thev make of Posts in Government under them — and they
industriouslv circulate mv D"". is maried to a B. officer — I do assure
you I run the most violent risques imaginable and shudder at the con-
sequences of a discover\' whilst 1 write there is a Gentry placed on
the greet Bridge to stop all transient persons that passes and cant give
a good account of themselves and carries them immedietely before
G. G. I shall be under the greatest terror until I hear the Bearer
has reached home — as he is suspected and 1 believe is now under Bonds
— I beg shouki \ou send or write it ma}' be done with the utmost
caution all the Prisoners here are sent down to Boston for safety — I
dont think the Scheem thei' have undertaken to help the depreciation
of their currenc\' will succed as the country-people will not come into
the measure proposed — but vet keep up their produce at a most enormous
price — their seems to be a gloom on the countenance of the great
folks — and the\' in\ent h"es to Keep up the spirit of the lower sort tho
the\' begin to see tli rough the deception and sa}' the} -will not risque
their lives to save opulent mens estates — the inlistments here of troops
goes on \ er\" slow indeed there is a new Corps raising to consist of
200 men under the command of Col. Bart(jn to acct as a H}ing Armv
to range and harrass on vour shoare on the Island (i — but tho
great bounty' is gi\"en the^" inlist verv slow — I am afraid I shall not
venture to let \'ou hear much more from me without some alteration
of times — and exceeding anxious wither these reaches }'our hands if it
should not \ou ma\' expect to hear of m}' sad fate — farewell
P July 13th 1779 S. H.
Since m\ last, made a iourne\- to bosten, and had the pleasure of being
in compan\- with man^■ well Avishers, found that province in a very
weak and defenceless state, without an}- troops, save a few invalids —
the castle and other fortifications, much out of repair and neglected —
especiallv that part of the castle, tov.-ards the land, in a weeak condition.
— no soldjers kept to garrison the castle onl} a few invalids, to hoist
the colours, and do other drudger}- — whilst 1 was at Boston, there was
MKTCALF Bfnvr.F.R AS A BRITISH SPY II3
an alarm tircJ lor four ships, being in the offing, niakeing for the
harbor, which throw'J the inhabitants, into great consternation, expect-
ing them to prove, the enemys shipt, many taulked of leaving the
town. — others, of ralhing the militia, and collecting what numbers
the\" could to go down, and help defend, the castle lic but at length,
the\' proved to be, two of their own cont'. frigates, with two english
packets their prizes — it was the general oppinion, of thinking people,
that the same fleet — that was sent as a reinforcement, to penobscot,
might with great ease, have enter'd the harbor of boston, taken posses-
sion of the town ckc — in such a defenceless condition, were they then in,
no ships, no troops, nor men, to defend their fortifications. I left four
cont'. frigates m the iiarbor iust returned, from successful cruises, and
of consequence — man'd, and King at the wharfs, and dock wards, to
refit, for sea, which wont be of some time, as the sailors are a shore,
spending their prize money, and some of their Capt* gone home, to
see their familys — there was also — a french frigate, in the harbor, in
readiness, to receive mons'' Gerrard, and convey him to France, the
new ambasd'' having set out for philads to relieve him — in short, no
thing seems attended to, in that province, but accumulating, paper thash
good eating — drinking, and fareing sumptuosh", e\'er\' da\' — and as to
their defence, the}' seem, much to trust, (to Heaven for their safet\- and
protection) they are most amazingly chagrin'd at their late penobscot
expedt" — and e\"en sa\', that Rivington,in his relation of the affair, cannot
exagerrate, provided, he dont sa\', all their troops, were captur'd — as to
the late stipulation enterd into, concerning the reducing of the prices of
provisions and other articles, and endea\oring to appreciate their cur-
rency, am thorroughh' convinced, will never have, the desired effect, as
the countr\' are ver\' slack, in bringing in an\' sorts of provision, their
markets, very badh' supplied, and every art used and method prac-
tised, b\' the countr\' people, to e\"ade the stipulation, and as those
that are posses'd, of large sums of paper currenc\' will fare well if to
be procured, at an\" rate — so the\' send their serxants into y*^ country,
purchase at the stipulated prices, with the addition of a gratuity — the
mercantile part, are also practising every method, to evade the stipula-
tion, by withholding such goods, as are most wanted, and such articles, as
they cant, under anv pretense withold, they even addulterate, or prac-
tise some fraud so as to evade, the stipulated price of those articles. —
114 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
the Colony of Connecticut, not as yet having-enterd into any stipula-
tions, are feathering their nest, by purchasing large quantitvs, of west
india Goods, Tea &:c from the merchts in Boston and in order to induce
them, to sell them large quantities at a time, thev give a gratutly, over
and above the stipulated prices — was informed, there had not been less,
than four thousand wagon loads, of west india produce, carried out of
Boston, into Connecticut, since the stipulation, took place — the exchange
as nigh as I could learn, was from 1 5 to 20 for one at present, but expected
to be much higher, in a few months, as congress keeps the Press con-
tinualy strikeing — they emitted one week in July no less than fifteen
million of Dollars, therefore, should thev be left to themselves, they
must sink under their enormous, continental debt, or their paper cur-
rency become of no value and die in the possessor's hands and so pro-
duce a general bankruptcy, you may easily perceive what small hopes
they have of the appreciation of their currenc\', or of the present stipula-
tion, takeing place, long — and should their currency not be made
better, before the time of the continental soldjers enlistments expire,
which will be in the Months of Nov"" and Decembe'' next — they never
will get a thousand men to re-mlist as I am well assurr'd, they will
place no more implicit faith, in that reverend bod\', the Congress-wood
is extreemlv scarce and dear at Boston, no less than one hundred Dollars
p Cord — on my arrival at Providence — found a prevailing report, of
Count D'Estang being bound to North America with a large squadron
of line battle ships and frigates, with six thousand land forces, onboard
the fleet, and that a Sloop left theni, that arriv'd at Bedford in Latd.25
Longtd 70 steering N. N. W. their destination a profund secreet, only
by their takeing on board N. E. Pilots, and others well accquainted,
with the Carolina Coast, they were judged, to be first bound, to Georgia,
and to secur the whole N. E. Coast — Gen. G. seemd much to
credit the report, and in consequence gave orders for all the flatt-bottom
boats, to be got in readiness, the wagons, in order, the train of artillery
to hold themselves, in readiness to march at an hours warning — Gen.
Corn, troops to be emplovd in cutting fascines and the saw-mills, to go
night and day, to saw plank for platforms &:c however, its now nigh
thirty days, since this Sloop arrivd and no further intelligence receiv'd,
of, the fleet being spoke with, or seen, any further to the northward,
therefore, imagind they are gone to windward, or were never seen
METCALF BOWLKR AS A BRITISH SPY II5
at all, as reported — however, should any authentick intelligence come
to hand, concerning them, before this is calld for, you may depend, on
being duly inform'd thereof — I must once more mention, the critical
situation, to which I am continualy expos'd in keeping up this fre-
quent correspondance lor should it once ht discover'd, nothing short
of mv Life, and the utter ruin ot mv Famih" must ensue. I have dis-
engaged m\" self and refused, several lucrutative emplo\'ments which
have been rcpeatedh' otferd me, as I think it best at this juncture,
to be in a private statien, by which must have avoided, their test-acct,
and am freer, from being suspected of holding any correspondence and
am on good terms, with Gen. G. to, I receiv'd by the last Flag sundry
articles, for which, you have mv thanks, and prov'd ver\- agreeable, as
do assure \'ou, I am at great expence to support m\' famih', and hardlv
any thing to do it with, but what little I get, in the shop keeping way,
and my capital is so small, that can purchase, but few articles, to run
my Shop, could I now and then, get a supply from Newport it would
assist me greatly, and should gratefuh-acknowledge the favor — per-
haps Mr^. Bowler may be permitted soon to come down to see her
Mother
Providence Sep'' 15th 1779 S. H.
Providence October 2d 1779
should an open Letter come otT from her Sister, M. Gee or my Daughter,
in forming of her, being in a bad state of health and desirous, of see-
ing her Daughter — but since I wrote — have been lucky enough, to obtain
leave, from Gen. G. for my Daughter if agreeable to your self, and Gen.
Prescot — to pay me a \'isit here, with his solemn assurrance, of her having
liberty of returning — when ever she inclines — should you think it
adviseable to let her come, the sooner the better, as the Weather, will
grown cold & blustering — you may depend, on receiving on her return,
all the intelligence possible, and should she come off, your being so
kind, as to make a small addition to the Goods, all ready sent of a few
peices of blk and tailored ribbons, a few green shoe bindings a piece
or two of black calamances, one or two dozen more blk
Handkerchiefs, a piece or two of good Cambrick, a few packs of Pins
and some colcxired and coarse white Threads some black and coloared
Il6 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
sewing Silks — a small assortment of cultcr^' ware in Buckles Penknivc
&c — and a good Case Coat cloak that is camblet, linn'd with bare, then
I may be fit in the cold during the Winter season, to pick up, intelli-
gence now am to inform you since what I wrote, on the other sheet —
we have had various reportes of a french fleet, being seen off being at
the Hook — [torn] as where so sanguine is G. G. of their comeing he
has sent out a \'esse]l to look for them, who is returned, without being
able to see, or hear anev thing from them — and there is no manner of
any certain account of their ha\'ing been seen, since thev were left in
Lat 2 5 Long 70 two of \'our Anspach Soldjers, arrived here, last eve-
ning who report, }ou have recei\'ed an account b^' express from N. York
of 22 Sail of the Line being of the Hook, which G. G. puts much
confidence in — as he catches at everything that looks like their comeing
here, to the northward — but 1 think the'V' will not be here this Season
at least — for am well assurd G. Wash, nor Cong-s have anv advice of
their intention of coming to X. America this Fall — vesterdav, amid
Jacksons Regiment of [torn] Troops from Boston — thev were sent to
reinforce our People at Penobscot but were too late and are just returned,
to their old station, in this Island they amount to, between 3 or 400 —
and serve them, we have onh' 5 00 militia, with a few artiler^• — all the
troops are under marching so infatuated is G. G. about the french fleet
arriving on our coast the States are got almost ripe, to quarrell with one
another, Massachusets State, has prohibitted, everv sort of merchandize,
and pro\'isions from being transported b^' Land, into an\' other of the
States, & Connecticut is purchasing all the cattle, on the borders of
our State, and driving them into theirs, to kill, and give almost any
price — the Country People dont bring in anv Provisions scarcely, nor
any Butter Cheese iS'c, thus we are almost starving, in a Land of Plenty,
and the article of Wood, is also very scarce, the Country People, with-
olding it, and will not bring in Wood at the stated price — then expect,
we shall go to loggerheads — amongst ourselves — I think this Winter
must picture a Scene of the utmost Confussion, should things not take
a strange alteration as the Continental Troops time of inlistment will
expire and am sure thev will not re-inlist, as they money now stands —
and how thev can make it better cant conceive, thev have emitted such
quantity and the Press, still kept stiikeing of more, to supply their
demands Col. Barton's Corps fills verv slow, he has not above sixty men,
WATF.RMARKS OX RHODE ISLAND PAPER
117
and has done nothing rcmarkahlc, as yet — the Cont. Frigates in Boston
is getting ready for Sea, and an embargo laid, to mann them perhaps
she may sail in three or four weeks time — but believe not much sooner.
Biographic? of Metc;ilf Bowler, who was Chief Justice of Rhode IsLind in 1776
and 1777, will be found in the Record of the Descendants of Charles Hozcler by N. P.
Bowler; The Biographical Cyclopedia of Rhode Island, p. 130; Annals of Trinity
Church, Neuport, by Ooige C. Mason, p. 107; and History of the Narragansett
Church by Wilkins Updike, 1907, v. I, p. 197. The panelling from one of the
rooms of Metcalf Bowler's house at I'ortsmouth is now in the American Wing of the
Metropolitan Museum of Art at New ^'ork.
Watermarks on Early Rhode Island Paper
On March 25, 1 764, articles of partnership were drawn
up and signed for the establishment and operation of a
paper mill in Rhode Island, The principal participants
in this enterprize were Capt. John Waterman the printer,
his father-in-law, Capt. Jonathan Olney, Mr. Jonathan
Ballon and Mr. William Goddard, the printer.
A mill was built on the Woonasquatucket River near
the present 01ne\\ille and the manufacture of paper began
in 1765. A detailed history of this and subsequent Provi-
dence paper mills appears in the Americana Collector for
May, 1926.
fHO^IPEM
WATERMARK USED BY JOHN
WATERMAN ON PAPER MADE IN 1766.
John Waterman, who operated the paper mill at Ohiey-
ville used as a watermark the word PROMDKNCE as
early as 1 766. This watermark appears on the paper of
many issues of the Providence Gazette. The Waterman
paper mill e\entuall\' passed into the hands of the Obiey
ii8
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
family. As early as 1788, Christopher Olnev used the
watermark C. OLNEY.
CHRISTOPHER OLNEY S WATER-
MARK, ABOUT 1788
On paper made a few years later, the device of the
state's arms, the foul anchor on a shield with the initials
C. C. O. for Christopher C. Olney was used as a water-
mark. The date of the use of this watermark has not been
definitely determined.
WATERMARKS USED BY CHRISTOPHER C. OLNEY
Samuel Thurber, junior, and Martin Thurber estab-
lished a paper mill in Providence in 1780, on the banks
WATERMARKS OX RHODE ISLAND TAPER
119
of the Moshassuck River near the North Burial Ground.
As early as 1 791, the Thurbers were using as a watermark
a foul anchor (without any stock) and not enclosed in
WATERMARKS USED BY SAMUEL THURBER & CO.
a shield but with the initials S. T. & C. In 1797, another
watermark, a foul anchor not enclosed in a shield, makes
its appearance on Rhode Island paper.
Specimens of paper bearing all of these w^atermarks
are on file at the library of the Rhode Island Historical
Society.
AN LTNIDEN'I IFIED RHODE ISLAND
WATERMARK OF ABOUT 1 797.
120 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Thomas James
One of the thirteen original proprietors of Providence.
Austin in his Genealogica] Dictionary of Rhode Island
(p.l 11 ) gives a very scant account of Thomas James, so
it has been deemed advisable to print a fuller account of
his life.
Thomas James was born in 1593 and educated at
Emanuel College, Cambridge, England, where he
received a degree in 1614. He preached in Lincolnshire
and came to New England in 1632, in the ship William
and Francis, bringing with him his wife, Elizabeth and
son, Thomas. He became the hrst settled pastor of the
Congregational Church at Charlestown, where his son
John was baptized. Owing to discord in the church, he
was dismissed in 1636.
James was a physician as well as a clergyman and came to
Providence early in 1637. He was one of the original
thirteen proprietors of Providence, and in 1638 attended,
and later testified in the fanious case of the Indian, Peno-
wanyanquis, who was murdered by four white men.
James also was one of the original members of the First
Baptist Church, and in 1639 was Town Treasurer, and
wrote on the original Indian deed, the memorandum of
1639, which was the contested point in the Harris land
case that disturbed the courts and politics of the colony
for almost a centur\'.
On March 20, 1640, Thomas James sold his house and
land in Providence to William Field and moved away to
New Haven. In 1642, he was one of the three ministers
sent on a special mission to Virginia, and was for a few
THOMAS lAMES
121
days stormbound at Newport. He returned froni Virginia
in June, 1643, to New Ha\'en, where he resided about five
years, holding xarious offices.
He returned to England before 1648, and became pastor
of the church at Needham, but was ejected from that office
in 1662. He was living quietly in England as late as 1678.
William Harris described Thomas James as a "man of
learning and wisdom." Many persons in New England
can trace then- descent from Thomas James.
THE fTKAMROAlS MIANTONO.MI AND CA\ OXC H KT
The Miantonomi was built in 1850, and the Canonchct was built in
1851. These boats plied between Providence and Warren. See article
in Providence Evening Btdletin, April 25, 1877, reprinted in the
Ne-.cj^ort Mercury, :\^r\\ 30, 1904.
Fro}ii nhi print in the Society's Museii»t.
122
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
oi o
o t.
Z X
t;iI)K()X CASKV. SIIAI-.KS.M ITU
123
'^9
?P()ON MADE BY CIDICON CASEV OF KINC.STOX, R. 1.
O'.tncd by Mn-. M.ih.l K. Rogers.
.~
W&SSi^
* . .*^
GIDEON CASEY S MARK
The spoons illustrated above bear the mark of Gideon
Casey of South Kingstown '^' brother of the famous Saniuel
Casey. The mark, G: CASEY, Roman capitals in a rec-
tangle, is that recorded in the Walpole Society List.
Examples of Gideon Casey's work are rare, a fact that
would substantiate the supposition that he was never much
more than an assistant to his brother, despite their partner-
ship together. It may be further pointed out that the
spoons under consideration are identical in design and
size with spoons bearing the niark of Samuel Casey.
Nevertheless it is a privilege to be permitted, through the
kindness of Mrs. Mabel K. Rogers, to record here an
example which can be dehniteh' identified as bearing his
mark.
William Davis Miller.
"' Vide Rhode Island Historical Sncifty ColUclions, Vol. xxii, p. 10? (October,
1929, and The Silversmiths of Litth Rrs!.
124
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
CiOVERNOR FENNER S CHAIR
This is one of four chairs that formerly belonged to James Fenner,
Governor of Rhode Island, and first President of the Rhode Island
Historical Society.
These four cliairs zcere recently presented
to the Society by Mr. Henry D. Shjrpe.
126 RHODF. ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Seventeenth Century Thimbles
The thimble shown at the right in the illustration on the
cover of this issue of the Collections belonged to Esther
Willett or Willitt, daughter of Thomas Willett, the first
English Mayor of New York. It was found in the ruins
of Thomas Willett's house, which was located in East
Providence, east of Riverside on the old main road to
Warren. When Col. H. Anthony Dyer built a house
around the old Willett chimney some years ago, one of
the workmen found during the excavations a bent and flat-
tened bit of silver. Upon straightening out this piece of
silver and bending it back into shape, it was found to be
a topless silver thimble of the colonial period in prac-
tically perfect condition. Around the base it bears the
inscription ESTHER WILLITT, the name of its former
owner. She was born in 1648 and was married on January
24, 1672, so that the inscription must have been cut
between these dates and presumably between 1662 and
1672.
ESTHER WILLETT S THLMBLE
The other side of this thimble
is shown on the cover of this issue
of the Collections.
In addition to the usual little depressions that cover a
thimble, this one is ornamented with two rather crudely
executed designs. On one side there is a flower, perhaps
a daisy or a sunflower and on the other side is a heart. This
thimble was undoubtedly made and the engraving upon it
cut in America previous to 1672, so that it is a particularly
NOTES 127
interesting piece of early colonial silverwork. It indi-
cates what sort of artistic designs appealed to seventeenth
century Americans. The flower and the heart are both
designs which are often found engraved on personal seals
of this period. Col. Dyer presented to the Society this
choice specimen of American colonial silver. The illus-
tration on the cover shows one side of the thimble and the
illustration in the text shows the other side.
The other two thimbles in our museum, as shown in the
illustration on the cover, are seventeenth century products,
though they may have been made in England. One is a
topless thimble like the Willett one and the other is a
thimble with a top, of the more familiar modern type.
They w^ere found in the grave of the Indian Squaw Sachem
Weunquesh, who died about 1686. They were her per-
sonal property, doubtless highly prized by her, and were
buried with her. Weunquesh was the daughter and suc-
cessor of Ninigret and was ruler of the Narragansett
Indians for about ten years.
Notes
A file of the newspaper, which at first was called the
Beulah ItejnSy later the BeulaJi Christian and finally the
Pentacostal Christian y covering the period from 1888 to
1912, has been presented by Mr. F. A. Hillery, who was
editor of this publication.
The Society has also been fortunate in obtaining some
copies of the Rhode Island Advocatey a newspaper that
was published at Woonsocket, in 18.'^5 and 1836.
From Mr. and Mrs. C. A. Russell, the society received
copies of the Independent^ for May 1 3 and May 18,1 844-,
both printed on cloth. The Independent was a Prox'idence
newspaper which on these two dates in addition to the
regular edition printed on paper, also issued an edition
128 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIKTY
printed on cloth. The first part of the trial of Thomas W.
Dorr was printed in the issue of May 13 and the conclu-
sion in the issue of May 18. Apparently in order ro issue
an account of the trial in what would seem to be more
permanent form, these two numbers of the Independent
were issued in an edition printed on cloth. The Society
had a copy of the issue of May 1 8, printed on silk, and it
was known that copies of this issue were also printed on
cotton cloth. The copv of the May 18 issue which the
Society has just received is printed on cotton cloth, and at
the bottom an extra large margin was left, on which for-
tunately appears the manufacturer's trade name for the
material: KENT SHEETINGS. The issue of May 13,
is also printed on cotton cloth, thus completing the Society's
file of this unusual cotton cloth newspaper. The issue of
May 13, may have been printed on silk and if so, it is
hoped that some possessor of a copy of this silk edition
will present it to the Society, so that our collection of
material relating to this curious episode in newspaper
history may be complete.
Inspired by these editions of the Independeiit^ the
Republican Hercdd issued as a broadside the Speech of
Governor Dorr, dated June 25,1 844, in an edition printed
on silk.
Using cloth instead of paper as a medium on which to
print information for publication was not unusual at that
time. Mr. William Davis Miller owns a sheet of national
flags printed in England in color on cloth about 1840.
Manuscript copies of the items referring to the Greene
family in the Gillingham Court Rolls in the Rylands
I>ibrary at Manchester, England, have been presented to
the Society by Capt. G. Andrews Moriarty, Jr., who in
the July issue of the Collections contributed a brief article
on the ancestry of John Greene of Warwick, based on these
documents.
Frat;mcnts o( the court dress which was presented by King George I
to William Hopi<ins of Providence. (See Rhode Ishmd Privateers,
p. 106.) In the Soc!ety\< 7?iiiseu7N.
130 rhodp: island historical society
The following persons have been elected to member-
ship in the Society:
Mrs. Harold J. Gross Rabbi Israel M. Goldman
Mr. Bruce M. Bigelow Mr. Howard R. Kent
Mrs. Philip B. Simonds Mrs. Richard Howland
Mr. Roy F. Whitney
New books of Rhode Island interest are:
Roger WillhiffJSy PropJiet and Pioneer, by Emily
Easton, 1930, 339 pages.
T/ie Book of Rhode Island, an illustrated description of
the advantages and opportunities of the State, distributed
by the Rhode Island State Bureau of Information, 1930.
The July 1930 issue of the Historical Collections of
the Essex Institute contains an account of Roger Williams
by Rev. Milo E. Pearson.
Bristol, Rhode Island. A Town Biography, by M. A.
DeWolfe Howe, 172 pages, has just been issued in com-
memoration of the 250th anniversary of the founding of
the town.
The Colonial T/ieatre in New England, a paper read by
Professor Ben W. Brown of Brown University, has been
printed as a Special Bulletin by the Newport Historical
Society.
The Rhode Island Merchants and The Sugar Act by
Frederick Bernays Wiener is a pamphlet of 36 pages
reprinted from the New England Quarterly.
Heraldic Notes
CARPENTER
Daniel Carpenter, who died in 1763, was buried in the
old Rehoboth cemetery, which is now in East Providence,
R. I., and his grave is marked by an armorial tombstone,
bearing the arms, "A greyhound passant and a chief,"
with the crest "A greyhound's head." The arms are clearly
intended for those granted to William Carpenter of Cob-
ham, Surrey, on March 4, 1663, (Carpenter Family 29,
Burke) ^ viz: "Argent a greyhound passant, a chief sable,"
with the crest "A greyhound's head erased, per fesse sable
and argent."
William Carpenter, the recipient of this grant of arms,
died in 1672 without children, and Amos B. Carpenter,
author of the Carpenter Faniilyy seeks to prove that the
American branch of the family inherited the coat of arms
as next of kin. He fails to prove both the relationship and
"right of inheritance." He claims the early use of these
arms by the Carpenter family in America, but the earliest
definite date he gives is 1730, when it was drawn on the
131
132 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
cover of a note book by Dr. Comfort Carpenter, when a
student at Harvard College.
Below the shield on Daniel Carpenter's stone is a
ribbon, on which appears, instead of a motto, the inscrip-
tion: "Argent a Greyhound passant a Chief Sable is
Borne by the name of Carpenter," now badly defaced by
weather. From this it would appear that the design on
the stone was copied from an armorial painting, which
bore the aforesaid inscription under it.
If the arms of William Carpenter of Cobham were
printed in Guillim or some other book before 1730, Com-
fort Carpenter, when at Harvard, might have copied them
from such a book.'^'
If these arms were not in a printed book before 1763,
the date of the stone, the possibility of inheritance
increases.
William Carpenter, the ancestor of the Rehoboth Car-
penters, came from Wherwell or Horwell, not far from
Cobham in Surrey, [Carpeiiter Family p. 35 and Z6 and
Savage,) and the knowledge, that the family came from
Surrey, would doubtless lead them to assume the arms
born by William Carpenter of Surrey.
They might well be ignorant of the fact that the arms
were a grant to William of Cobham, and from his use of
them, might assume that they were arms which he had
inherited, and so were the arms of the Carpenters of
Surrev.
' ^ 'The earliest priiittd book in which I have found these arms is Edmondson,
1780.
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
\\)1. XXR'
JANUARY, 1931
No. 1
^
>
iJ fe-^^^ j<"X Y/
^-^-^ f-^ -
-"'y-^d^,'
PROVIDENCE POSTAGE STAMPS
5^^j page 58
Issued Quarterly
68 Waierman Street, Providence, Rhode Island
CONTENTS
Page
Roger Williams and the English Revolution . . 1
Notes 58
The Slater Collection of Providence Stamps Cover 6^ 5S
Richard Smith's Canilet 59
Jemima Wilkinson 60
New Books 62
King Philip's Belt 63
ROGKR WILLIAMS NUMBER
COMMEMORATING THE THREE-HUNDREDTH ANNIVERSARY OF
ROGER Williams' first voyage to America
DECEMBER 1 63 0 - FEBRUARY 1631
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
VOL. XXIV
January, 1931
No. 1
Addison P. Munroe, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
Roger Williams and the English Revolution
By James Ernst*
The place of Roger Williams in the history of Demo-
cratic thought and the Rights of Man is not yet fully
determined. A monument in Geneva honors him in the
company of Luther, Calvin and Knox, as one of the five
leading Reformers of the 16th and 1 7th centuries. But the
English and American historians, as a rule, do not give
him such a prominent rank among the world-movers of
his age, although two of the foremost American historical
scholars, Channing and Bancroft, rank him as the most
important individual figure among the English colonists
of the 17th centurv.
*See R. I. H. S. C. Oct., 1929, p. 97, and Jan., 1930, p. 18 for other
writings on Roger Williams by Dr. Ernst.
Z RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Several authorities on the history of political ideas agree
that The Bloudy Tenant by Roger Williams is the source
of the principles underlying the English Revolution of
1648. Herman Weingarten in Die Englhche Revolution-
skirche concludes that the democratic ideas of Williams
were back of the principles of the sectarians and the Level-
lers in their revolt against the Presbyterian Parliament and
the royal authority. George Gervinus, in the Introduction
to the History of the Nineteenth Century^ writes that the
people's sovereignty and religious liberty principles of
Williams influenced the Levellers, and "have given laws
to one quarter of the globe, and, dreaded for their moral
influence, they stand in the background of every demo-
cratic struggle in Europe."
The Bloudy Tefient, wrote Dunning, ( Political Theo-
ries: Luther to Montesquieu, pp. 231 ff) "derived its
principles and its form from his American experience," and
"expressed essentially the resolution of a body of religi-
ous sectaries, the Independents . . . and the fuller impli-
cations of the theory which the work embodied were
revealed in the political re\'olution which was effected in
1647-1648 by the Army." Dr. Jellinek in his Declaration
of the Rights of Man and of Citizens, says of the theories
of government by consent of the people expressed in a
social compact and individual rights of man in Europe and
America, that the "first Apostle was not Lafayette but
Roger Williams." A recent study of the relation of Wil-
liams to the English revolt in 1648 has been made by Dr.
Michel Freimd, ( Die Idee Der Toleranz i)n England Der
Grossen Revolution, Halle, 1927, fp. 241-268) in which
he holds that Williams is "the ripest fruit of the Renais-
sance and the Reformation movements" and the foremost
exponent of full liberty of conscience, the social compact
and the rights of man in the English revolution. Dr.
Freund also maintains that Williams has a fully developed
political theory set forth in his Bloudy Tenent and other
pamphlets.
ROGER WILLIAMS AND THK KXGLLSH RKVOLL'TION ,5
According to the conclusions of these writers Williams
supplied the political theories expressed in the "Agree-
ment of the People" and other proposals of the Army for
a democratic government, a written compact, and religious
liberty and rights of man. Dunning, Jellinek, Freund and
Gervinus had some acquaintance with the sectarian and
Leveller pamphlets of the Civil War, and approached the
subject with scholarly methods. Their conclusions deserve
at least close scrutiny. It is my purpose to make a brief
summary of the references to Roger Williams and his
pamphlets which I have discovered in the Thomasin Col-
lection of the British Museum, with the view of aiding
tow^ard a more definite understanding of the tremendous
influence his principles had in the Civil War and the revolt
of 1647-48.
The English re\'o]ution of 1648 was mokied by two
chief forces. ( For a history of the Civil War, see Gar-
diner. TJie Great Civil Way. 4 vols.) First, in the Civil
War from 1 640 to 1 646, the Puritan Parliament turned
from sovereignty of the Common Law to the sovereignty
of Parliament, and attempted to reduce the King's prero-
gative within the bounds of Reason, Law^, and Parliament.
Secondly, the Puritans in Parliament strove to wnn a
liberty for their own worship, on equality w^ith the Angli-
cans. The religious disputes centered in the Assembly of
Divines. And by 1644, the Lidependents and Sectarians
introduced religious liberty into the realm of politics.
(Christopher Feake: A Beam of Lights 1654. E-737.)
By 1641, the Puritans party including Cromwell, Bar-
rington, Masham, Pym, Warwick, Hampden, Prynne,
Overton, Walwin, and Lilburne, generally accepted the
doctrine of the sovereignty of Parliament. In the spring of
1642 arguments based on abstract principles of govern-
ment began to supplement those based on Common Law.
The defenders of the sovereignty of Parliament were
delving into the origins of government to defend the
actions of the Puritan parliament. Henry Parker in Juh',
4 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
1642, (Observations upon some of his Majesties late
answers, E-153 (20) argued that parliament is the
supreme and arbitrary power of the land, "it is indeed the
state itself." He allowed for the union of church with
state, merely transferring the divine right of kings to the
divine right of parliament. {Ibid. The true ground of
ecclesiastical regimes, Nov. 1641j The Leveller Move-
ment, Theodore Pease.)
Two schools of the social contract now came forward in
the political struggle in England. Henry Parker and his
followers by reason of the compact claimed parliamentary
absolutism. Herle ( A fuller answer to Doctor Feme,
1642, E-244) Philip Hunton, (A treatise on monarchy,
1643, E-103) and Samuel Rutherford (Lex Rex: the
law and the prince. Oct., 1644, E-11) held that the
compact between the king and the commons or freeman
created three estates — king, lords, and commoners, with
king supreme. Neither of these compact theories assigned
any importance to the great mass of people below the
rank of freeman.
Meanwhile Roger Williams had been doing memorable
work in the American wilderness. In the spring of 1631,
he had declared to the Boston magistrates for absolute
liberty of conscience, separation of church and state, and
agreed to the supremacy of the General Court of the Bay
in civil affairs only. In 1636, he founded Providence and
by means of a social compact erected a town-government,
the written constitution granting sovereignty to the house-
holders, liberty of conscience, separation of church and
state, and government "only in civil things." This form
of government was still functioning in 1644.
In the summer of 1643, Roger Williams arrived in
England as the agent of his colony to procure a charter
of civil government. In September, he published his Key
into the Language of America in which he discussed the
democratic form of tribal government among the Indians,
the law of nature and the Indian toleration of religions.
ROGER WILLIAMS AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION 0
Early in 1644 he published Queries of Highest Considera-
tions and Master Cotton^s Letter Answered. In these two
pamphlets Williams discussed his banishment, the princi-
ples of sovereignty of the people, absolute liberty of con-
science, separation of church and state, natural rights of
man, and his Seeker religious views. He succeeded in
1644 in obtaining from Parliament a charter of free
government in civil things, granting to the settlers of the
Narragansett country the right to establish their own form
of civil state.
For our present purpose, the fact that Williams founded
an independent civil state on the social compact theory
fixing the sovereignty in the people is of great importance.
His doctrines prior to 1 644 should be kept in mind in con-
sidering the references to him and his writings by the
pamphleteers whom I shall quote. Furthermore, it is
necessary to keep in mind certain aspects of the Civil War
in 1643:
First, when Williams came to London, the leading
pamphleteers were Prynne, Lillburn, Pym, Hampden,
Walwin, Overton, John Goodwin, and others. These
writers were contending for the rights and liberties of the
"Free-born Englishmen and Citizens" only. The freemen
were only a small body of the English nation and repre-
sented the substantial middle class. The writers agreed
that Parliament was sovereign. But the great mass of the
people, the lower classes of England, the peasants and
toilers, small tradesmen and craftsmen were looked upon
with contempt as unfit for civil power. Not until after
Williams has been in England for some months does any
one come out for the sovereignty of the people. The
Leveller movement, perse, did not begin until after 1645.
Secondly, the political aspect of religious liberty is less
complicated. According to Baillie, Robert Brown stood
"for full liberty of conscience uncontrolled by the law of
any mortal manj but in this all his disciples till of late
did leave the master." ( Anabaptism the fountain of Inde-
"6 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
pendency, 1646, E-369.) In the second decade of the
1 7th century three tracts on liberty of conscience appeared j
but Leonard Busher, in A Plea jo?- Liberty of Conscience^
1614, and the anonymous writers of Persecution for Reli-
gion Judged and Condennied, 1615, and A Most Humble
Supplication^ 1620, ask only for a toleration of different
religions while all three make allowance for a state church
and for a general and limited oversight by the magistrate.
Now toleration is not full liberty of conscience and wor-
ship j it is mere permission out of necessity or for expedi-
ence. It is a gift from a superior to an inferior religion and
worship. No English writer in the decade prior to 1643
, advocated anything but Toleration of certain Christian
't protestants, except Roger Williams who denied the right
of the state to meddle with spiritual matters in any form
. claiming absolute liberty of conscience.
Thirdly, the name of Seeker does not appear prior to
1644 in any of the Thomasin tracts published against the
Sectarians. The passage in Truth\^ Cha?npion^ ascribed to
John Murton, 1617, which refers to the Seekers was prob-
ably added to the editions published after the Civil War to
counteract the influence of the Seekers. (Burrage, Early
English Dissenters y Vol. 1, pp. 259 ff . )
Roger Williams is "the father of the Seekers in Lon-
don" wrote Richard Baxter. ( Relig. Baxterianeo, Part l,p.
76 ) Roger Williams was the "chief of the Seekers, per-
haps the original founder of the Sect" said Masson, and
certainly the bravest exponent of their principles. ( Mas-
son, Milton, Vol. Ill, p. 153.)
"The Independents are divided among themselves, one
Mr. W^illiams," wrote Robert Baillie, June 7, 1644, "has
drawn a great number after him to a singular Indepen-
dency, denying any true church in the world, and will
have every man to serve God by himself alone, without
any church at all. This man has made a great and bitter
schism lately aniong the Independents." On July 23,
1644, Baillie wrote again to Mr. Spang, "Sundry of the
R0(,;KK WILLIAMS AND THP: ENGLISH REVOLUTION /
Independents are stepped out of the church and follow my
good acquaintance Mr. Williams, who says there is no
church, no sacraments, no pastors, no church-officer or
ordinance in the world nor has been since a few years after
the Apostles.'"
In April, 1644, Reverend Thomas Hill preached a ser-
mon before the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London,
referring in this manner to the followers of Roger Wil-
liams:
"We hear of others w^ho question the Truth of our
Church and our ministry . . . Yes we hear of some grown
to the desperate height. . . . flattering us with hope of New
Apostles and glorious discoveries by them. Hereby religion
is much mangled and well-meaning minds not a little dis-
tracted which way to take."'
The statement of Richard Baxter, supplemented by the
allusion of Baillie and others, makes it almost certain that
Roger Williams was the founder of the Seekers. He never
denied the charge j nor has any other man been named as
the founder of the sect. Ephraim Paget in his Heresio-
graphy remarked, "many have wrangled so long about
the church that at last they have quite lost it, and go under
the name of Expecters and Seekers j . . . some of them
affirm the church to be in the wilderness, and they are
seeking for it there j others say it is in the Smoke of the
temple, and that they are grouping for it there, — where I
leave them praying to God."
Soon after Williams arrived in London in the summer
of 1643, he began to attend and hold religious meetings
with other radical spirits who were later to spread his
Seeker views and his political ideas to the farthest corners
of England and into Wales:
"Through Erbury, his old schoolmaster, Morgan Lloyd
came to know of the new doctrine of Roger W^illiams,"
^Robert Baillic, Letters, Vol. II, pp. 191,212.
"The good old way, God's way. E-48.
b RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
according to a Welsh writer. "When Morgan Lloyd was
in London, at the end of the year of 1643, Roger Wil-
liams was there on a visit from America. While he
remained in the capitol, he used to hold religious meet-
ings with Simpson, Feake and others, and there is strong
reason to believe that Erbury belonged to this brother-
hood. In a book written by one of the ministers of the
Independents in Wales, Mr. Henry Niccols, against
Erbury, the latter is accused of being a disciple of Roger
Williams. . .
"After the departure of Roger Williams from England,
in the end of the summer of 1 644, his companions con-
tinued to harbor his opinions on freedom of conscience and
the disjunction of church and state. If Morgan Lloyd did
not meet with Roger Williams himself we know that he
spent much time in the company of his disciples Erbury,
Harrison, Simpson, Feake, and others. ... It is interesting
to note that Morgan Lloyd goes much further in the
direction of Roger Williams than perhaps any other of
his contemporaries." {Llyfr Y Tr'i Aderyn, pp. XXXII-
XXXIV. Translation by Professor John Parry.^)
"This Master Roger Williams, late of New England,
hath taught Master Erbury, who saith as Master Cotton
attesteth," wrote Henry Niccols of South Wales.* "Now
this Williams was an officer of the church of Salem in New
England, who for his many fearful errors and damnable
heresies was cast out of communion by that church;'' and
afterward for his obstinate continuance in such pernicious
principles was banished the Commonwealth by the Sen-
tence of the Civil Magistrates. Gangroenam amoveas. ne
fars s'lncera trahatur.
^Eisteddfod Transactions, I 896.
^The shield single against the sword doubled, August, 1654, E-710.
Niccols refers to Master Cotton'' s Anszver to Roger Williams by John
Cotton, p. 54.
^Roger Williams was excommunicated by Rev. Hugh Peters, 1639.
ROGER WILLIAMS AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION y
"But being expelled the coasts of New England . . came
over into Old England where he hath sown that seed that
sprouts out both in Master Erbury and others in this wild
and bitter fruit, and that in such a season when the spirit
of error is let loose to deceive many a thousand souls in
the Nation, whose hearts are become as tinder or gun-
powder ready to catch and kindle at every spark of false
light . . . Wherein are arisen not a few that speak such
perverse things as tend to take away all the Gospel, Insti-
tutions and Ordinances of Jesus Christ j for take away, as
Master Erbury and Master Williams would have it, all
instituted worship of God, as churches, pastors, teachers,
elder, deacons, members, public ministry of the Word,
covenant, seals of the covenant, viz: baptism and the
Lord's Supper, as the censures of church, and what is
then left of all the Institutions and Ordinances of the
Gospel. It was the work of Antichrist, but to define the
Ordinances. . .
Of the sectaries' wanderings Mr. Niccols says, "and
truly I cannot blame them, seeing all the heresies and
blasphemies of this age, have had the privileges of shroud-
ing themselves under the Notion of New-Light, Mr.
Williams. . . whom Mr, Cotton calls the Prodigious
Minter of Exorbitant Novelties,"
"The arch-representative of this new religion of Seek-
erism" concluded Masson, "on both sides of the Atlantic
was no other than our friend Roger Williams," In the
solitude of the American wilderness he worked himself
into a state of dissatisfaction with all visible church-forms
and of yearning after the unattainable truth for which the
name of Seekerism was invented by himself or others.
In July, 1644, Williams published his parting word to
his mother country before leaving again for New England,
in his The Bloody Tenent of Persecution for the Cause of
Conscience. The last fifty-seven chapters of this pamphlet
were devoted to his political theory of the social contract
and sovereignty of the people in a reply to the Model of
10 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Church and Civil Power prepared by the clergy of the
Bay colony in 1635 to justify his banishment. He
addressed to the High Court of Parliament these revolu-
tionary words:
"That the Civil Power may erect and establish what
form of ci\'il Government may seem in wisdom most
meet, I acknowledge the Proposition to be most true, . . .
to conserve the Civil peace of the People, as far as conserve
their Bodies and Goods. . .
"The Sovereign, original, and foundation of Civil
power lies in the People, ( . . . the civil power distinct from
the Government set up). And if so, that a People may
erect and establish what form of Government seems to
them most meet for their civil condition. It is evident
that such Governments as are by them erected and estab-
lished, have no more power, nor for no longer time, than
the civil power, or people, consenting and agreeing shall
betrust them with. This is clear not only in Reason, but in
the experience of all commonweals, where the people are
not deprived of their natural freedom by the power of
tyrants.
"The Gentile Princes, Rulers and Magistrates receive
their callings, power and authority ( both Kings and Par-
liaments) (im) mediately from the people" which "is nat-
ural, civil and humane . . . The very Commonweals,
Bodies of People . . . have fundamentally in themselves
the Root of Power to set up what Government and Gov-
ernors they shall agree upon. . . The civil Magistrate,
whether Kings, Parliaments, States, Governors, can receive
no more in justice than what the people give, and are
therfore but the eyes and hands and instruments of the
people, simply considered without respect to this or that
religion. . . but Derivatives and Agents immediately
derived and employed as eyes and hands, serving for the
good of the whole: Hence they have and can have no more
Power, than fundamentally lies in the Bodies or Fountains
roc;i;r Williams and thi". knclish ki-aolutiox 11
themselves, which Power, Might, or Authority, is not
Religious, Christian, etc., but natural, humane and civil.
. . . The very nature and essense of a civil magistracy . , .
( is ) essentially civil, "both in its origin in" the people's
choice and free consent and in its object the safety of their
bodies and goods.
"But no People can betrust them with any spiritual
power in matters of worship, but with a Civil power
belonging to their goods and bodies." If the state assume
undelegated power "some Papists and Protestants agree in
deposing of magistrates." The nature of "the magistrates
power and weapons being essentially civil, and so not
reaching to the impiety or ungodliness, but the incivility
anci unrighteousness of tongue and hand. . . The magis-
trate hath no power to make what Laws he please either
in restraining or constraining to the use of indifferent
things. . . .
"Outward cWd peace can stand although religion be
corrupted. . . . The civil state was never invested by Christ
with the power and Title of Defender of the Faith. . . let
any man show me a commission, instruction and promise
given by the Son of God to Civil powers in these Spiritual
affairs. . . None of them can prove it lawful for People
to give power to the Kings and Magistrates thus to deal
with them their subjects for their conscience j nor for
Magistrates to assume more than the people betrust them
with. . . So unsuitable is the commixing and intangling of
the civil and the spiritual charge and government that the
Lord Jesus and his Apostles kept themselves to one. . .
"The worship which a State professeth may be con-
tradicted and preached against, and yet no breach of Civil
Peace." It is "the true and unquestionable power and
privilege of the Church of Christ to assemble and practice
all the holy ordinances. . . and become a Church, consti-
tute and gather without and against the consent of the
Magistrate. . . The National Church. . . a State-church
12 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
whether explicit, as in Old England or implicite as in
New, is not the Institution of the Lord Jesus Christ.""
Williams left England for Providence in America
sometime in July or August, 1644. The bold, provoking
words of The Bloudy Tenant of Persecution fired the pub-
lic imagination. Both Houses of Parliament and the
Assembly of Divines at Westminster found it necessary
to turn aside from their routine duties and breath anathe-
mas upon Williams' revolutionary pamphlet. On August
9, the House of Commons resolved "that Mr. White do
give order for the public burning of one Mr. Williams
his book. . . concerning the Toleration of all sorts of Reli-
gion." Offensive to the Prelatists, Puritans and Presby-
terians, it was condemned as full of heresy and blasphemy.
Burning this book by the public hangman was indeed of
little avail. A second unlicensed edition was immediately
brought out. The reading public was already in possession
of it. Samuel Richardson asked in 1647, "whether the
priests were not the cause of the burning of The Bloudy
Tenent." (Necessity of Toleration, Samuel Richardson,
1647, E-407.) William Prynne says of this pamphlet,
"now because all of this rank (who pretend themselves the
only Saints and God's peculiar Portion) are apt to cry out
Persecution, Persecution, with open mouth.'"
Numerous pamphlets now appeared paraphrasing and
literally taking over from The Bloudy Tenent the argu-
ments and telling phrases of Williams. Few of them had
the courage to defend Williams openly. Two very close
friends of Williams had already defended his idea: Wil-
liam Walwin in Liberty of Conscience: or the sole ineans to
obtain Peace and Truth^ and Rev. John Goodwin in M. S.
to A. S.y with a Plea for Liberty of Conscience, in March
and May of 1644. They had been associates of Williams
^'The Bloudy Tenent of Persecution, Pages 343, 366, 3 5 5, 398,
418, 415, 256^ 251, 120, 277, 267, 96, 389, 394, 200, 354.
'The sword of the Christian magistracy supported. E-516.
ROtiF.R WILLIAMS AND THE LxMCiLISH RKVOLUTIOX 13
since the summer of 1643, and their works show his
influence.
The Bloudy Tenent now became the handbook of the
sectarians, anci the radicals in politics. It had for the first
time clearly stated the issue of liberty. It united the radi-
cals in religion and politics under a common banner. Their
cause w^as a common cause — to free themselves from the
tyranny of church and state. Williams was the spokesman
for reformation and revolution, and he said the appropri-
ate things. The Independents did not accept his principles
until 1644j and by 1645 they argued that there was a
supreme law in the spiritual world distinct from and inde-
pendent of Parliament or any civil power.
On January 2, 1645, William Prynne opened his attack
upon Roger Williams (Truth triumphing over falsehood,
E-259.) and his disciples, John Goodwin, Henry Burton,
Walwin, the Overton brothers, Simpson, and others.
Prynne explained how these men changed under the influ-
ence of Williams. In 1642 and early part of 1643 these
men asked for toleration j but now, said he in his dedication,
"They presently altered both their opinions and prac-
tices, crying down the authority of the States and civil
magistrates ... in their Apologies and Sermons 5 con-
tracting, yea, denying them that very power which before
they had so liberally measured out unto themj affirming,
that the States had no power at all over their private
congregations."
In his Epistle to the readers, he said, "their New Way
of government, they are enforced to deny the undoubted
Power and Jurisdiction of Parliaments, Councils, Synods
and Civil magistrates, in Ecclesiastical affairs." In favor of
the New Testament, "they modify and slight Examples
of the Old Testament . . . With a liberty of altering and
varying to-morrow, from what they affirm or believe
today, upon new light disco\'ered, which is in truth to bring
a mere Skepticism into Religion^ to play fast and loose
with God and our own conscience; to doubt all thines.
14 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
firmly believe nothing . . . Their very principles teach
disobedience to Parliament, Synods, Princes, Magistrates,
and all other superiors, in all their just laws and commands
which concern church or religion j dissolve all relations, all
subordinations, and human society itself . . . ."
He asked "whether every particular church or congre-
gation whatsoever be such an absolute, complete, inde-
pendent body in itself . . . . If all particular Churches
enjoy their privilege, then mark the consequences: Papists,
Arminians, Anabaptists, Socinians, Antinomians, Arians,
Familists, and as Master Williams an Independent affirms,
in print, Mahumetans, Jews and all the several Sects of
Religion in the world must ... be absolute and inde-
pendent too^ nor may any magistrates. Parliaments,
Synods, make laws to regulate, reclaim, suppress, or pun-
ish them because they are subject to none but Christ and
accountable only to him and their conscience free."
There is a great deal more in this strain in the pamphlet ^
but this is sufficient to indicate the place in the movement
given to Williams by Prynne who was at this time one of
the chief spokesmen of the Presbyterian party. The fol-
lowing July, he launched another attack on the "New-
Wanciering-Blasing-Stars and Firebrands" (A Fresh Dis-
covery of some Prodigious new-wandering-blasing-stars
and firebrands, July 24, 1645, E-261.).
"these new furious Sectaries: who to engage all sorts of
peoples in their quarrel proclaim a free Toleration and
Liberty of Conscience, to all Sects, all Religions whatso-
ever be it Judaism, Paganism, Turcism, Arianism, Popery,
as all their pamphlets manifest .... Those New-Lights
and Sectaries, sprung up among us, who (being many of
them Anabaptists have all new Christened themselves of
late by the common name of Independents . . . ever
learning and never able to come to the knowledge of the
Truth, as those Independent Seekers are who like wander-
ing Stars gad every day after New-Lights, New-fashions
of church government, wavering like empty clouds with-
ROGER WILLIAMS AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION 15
out water, or waves of the sea driven with the wind and
tossed .... While they promise them liberty (the Lib-
erty of Conscience to profess what Religion they list) to
use what church government they please without control of
Parliament, Synod, or magistrate."
After this scolding of the Independent Seekers, Prynne
turned upon John Goodwin, Henry Burton, Henry Rob-
inson, John Lillburne, "a ringleader of the Firebrands,"
and Hugh Peters, "Solicitor general of the Independent
cause and Party." These men are known to have been asso-
ciates and close friends of Williams while he visited
London.
Referring to Hugh Peters, Davenport, and Roger Wil-
liams, who had been active after returning from America,
another writer complained that (An antidote against the
contagious air of Independency, by D. P. P. Feb, 1645,
E-270, pp. 14, 21, 22 ) their political and religious ideas
"might be effectual in some small Boroughs in Amer-
ica; yet it would certainly be destructive in this populous
kingdom .... for since they are come from Holland
and America, they have increased our divisions and
retarded by the one moity of time, the establishing of the
Directory of the Discipline of the Churches and of the true
Reformation; and their separation and their gathering of
private congregations, hath incouraged the Sectaries in
their erroneous ways, that for one Anabaptist or Antino-
mian, that was among us, when they came over, there is
now ten."
"But many other most damnable doctrines," are found
by Dr. Daniel Featley,** "tending to carnal liberty, Fam-
ilism, and a medley, and Hodge-podge of all Religions.
Witness the Book printed, 1644, called The Bloodie Ten-
enty which the Author affirmeth he wrote in Milke, and
^The Dippers Dipt, or, the Anabaptist duck'd and plung'd over head
and ears in disputation, Feb. 7, 1645. E-268. Sec also, A Discourse
concerning Independency, (anonymous) Feb. 6, 1645, E-259,
defense of Goodwin and Burton, borrows liberally from Roger Williams.
16 ' RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
if he did so, he hath put much Rats-bane into it, as
namely," Mr. Featley then quotes him.
The pamphlets of Williams went across the channel into
Europe. David Stewart in reference to Hugh Peters and
Roger Williams and probably others, wrote in March,
(Zerubbabel to Samballast and Tobiah . . . concerning
the Independents, March, 1645. E-274.) that the Inde-
pendents were
"condemned by the Reformed churches of France,
Switzerland, and Geneva." In a preface to the reader,
Stewart says, "they came from a farr Country to dwell at
Jerusalem, so there are come too from far from America,
etc.," spreading "anarchic and confusion" and "rent the
churches more than Papists, Arminians, Anabaptists, Socin-
ians and all other Sects and Heresies beside ever yet did."
He then turned upon Mr. Parker and Mr. Davenport
both under the "way of New England,"
"Such churches your selves hold unlawful, turbulent,
schismiatical, and punishable, in N. E. And if in N. E.
wherefore I pray, not in Old England also?"
Probably the best criterion of the tremendous influence
and the lasting impression made by The Bloudy Tenent of
Persecution is the appearance of a pamphlet on April 8,
1645, written by Richard Overton who, like Prynne and
Lilburne, was a prisoner of Newgate, entitled The
Arraignment of Mr. Persecution^ "by Young Martin Mar-
Priest, printed by Marten Claw — clergy printers to the
Assembly of Divines, and are to be sold at his shop in Tol-
eration Street, at the sign of the Subjects Liberty, right
opposite to Persecution Court." (British Museum, E-276
{2)). The author was a friend and disciple of Williams, and
Mr. Persecution is taken from Williams' title. The pam-
phlet restates all the doctrines of Williams in the form of
a dramatic court trial.
The judge of the Court is Roger Williams and The
Bloudy Tenent, the prisoner is Mr. Persecution and Tyr-
anny of the state-church. The Trial takes place before the
KOCKR WILLIAMS AND THE ENCJLISH REVOLUTION 17
Lord Parliament, Judge Williams is assisted by Justices
Reason, Humanity, and Conformity.
Jury of Life and Death are: Creation, Gospel, Politique-
Power, State-Policy, National-Loyalty, Liberty of Sub-
ject, Innocent Blood, Good-Samaritan, Truth and Peace,
Order, Light of Nature, Day of Judgment — Persecutor is
God's Vengeance. Witnesses are Christian, Martyrs, Lib-
erty of Conscience. Defendants are Sir Symon Synod and
Sir John Presbyter.
Sir Symon Synod is dissatisfied with the jury, and pro-
poses to have a new jury selected, made up of these men:
Satan, Antichrist, Spanish-Inquisition, Counsel-of-Trent,
High-Commission, Assembly of Divines, Rude Multitude,
Sir John Presbyter, Scotch Government, False Prophets,
Ecclesiastical supremacy, Pontifical revenues, but failed in
the attempt. For Judge Roger W^illiams perceived their
evil doings, and after an argument the judge says, "Sir
Symon I cannot in Equity permit such unworthy Persons
to be on the Jury, only Mr. Assembly of Divines, Sir John
Presbyter, and Mr. Scotch-government are commanded to
attend Court for the service of the King."
Mr. Persecution is then sworn in. Meanwhile Sir Symon
tries to kill off the jury by stealth anci wiles, but is discov-
ered by the sergeant of the Court.
The Trial has for its material, ideas taken from Tlie
Bloudy Tenent, and the record of the trial covers about
forty pages. The name of Mr. Williams and The Bloudy
Tenent appear repeatedly j even Master Cotton's Letter
Anszvered by Williams is referred to several times. Mr.
Overton makes a few references to Mr. Cottons Keys and
his letter to Roger Williams. The preface to the reader
refers to John Goodwin, Williams and The Bloudy Ten-
ent^ after these words,
"We desire Liberty of Conscience; that we behaving
ourselves peaceably in the commonwealth and yielding due
obedience to the civil magistrate (to whom we acknowl-
edge ourselves subject in our goods and bodies . . . may
18 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
have liberty to worship the Lord according to that Light
revealed unto us."
GafFer Liberty of Conscience is put on the stand and
speaks in the name of Williams and The Bloudy Tenenty
page 22,
"Mr. Truth and Peace speaking . . . Much could I
say against the prisoner to witness the verity of the Indict-
ment, but for brevity sake, I shall refer you to the discov-
ery I have made of his Impiety, Treason, Blood-shed, etc.,
in the Book entitled The Bloudy Tenent."
After thirty-nine pages of witnessing, Mr. Persecution
pleads guilty. He begs the judge for mercy. The judge,
Mr. Williams, replies, "No, Persecution, No! prepare to
hear thy sentence." But before the sentence is pronounced,
a letter arrives from Sir Symon Synod and Sir John Pres-
byter to their friend Justice Conformity begging him to
suspend sentence of Persecution until Presbyterianism is
established over England. The letter closes,
"Woe unto those Anabaptists, Brownists, etc., those
cursed Heretics, for those Presbyterian Friends expect
but the word of command to devour them up: But Mr.
Williams, all this will come to nothing, if the Prisoner be
put to death, you see those Sectaries have had such free-
dom of speech that my son Jack and I can do no goodj
now, there being not such a considerable person in this
Country as yourself to prevail. We therefore charge you,
as you hope to be a Judge fail not at his dead lift for your
Ears; indeed he's in your debt, but he vows by your fiat
justitia^ that if you prevail, he'll provide you a pair of
better and longer, than ever you had. Hereof fail not, and
we shall not be backward to answer your deserts, when, we
and the Parliament, shall be commenced."
Just Reason now came forward to plead with Judge
Williams, "My Lord, you may easily perceive, how they
would pinch your Lordships nose with a pair of Scotch-
Spectacles, and fix a pair of long Synodian Ears unto your
Lordship's head, that your Lordship might see nothing
R0(;ER WILLIA.MS AND THE ENGLISH REVOLL TICJN 19
but Blue-Caps, hear nothing but Synodian Thundery but I
hope )'our Honor is thoroughly sensible thereof j yet least
your Lordship's Innocency and honest endeavors for the
general and equal Rights and Liberties of the Common
People, should be circumvented by their policy, I shall
. . . present the cunning insinuations and subtile fictions
of Just — as Conformity in their true shape . . . ."
When Just Reason had finished his laying bare the cun-
ning of Conformity, Judge Roger Williams rose to address
the Court and give the sentence,
"With much patience this Court hath heard the several
pleas betwixt Persecution and Liberty-of-Conscience urged
on both sides: having seriously weighed the same in the
Balance of Equity, hath found Persecution and his Abbet-
ors with all their pleas too light, even mere subtile, airy,
and empty delusions: It is therefore the Sentence of this
Court "that Sir Symon Synod be kept in prison in Henry
VIII Chapel where the Assembly of Divines meet until the
"Reign of our Sovereign Lord Christ," to be arraigned
"with the rest of his Holy Tribe" before "his Highness
the King of Kings, and Lord of Lords."
"As for Sir John Presbyter, this Court hath voted him
to the unclean, filthy, impious, unholy, dark, and worldly
Dungeon, called Jure Humana, therewith Arch-Bishops,
Bishops, etc." there to be kept until "the Trial of the Great
and Terrible Day."
The Judge announced that the Court found Persecution
guilty "of enmity against God and all goodness, of Trea-
sons, Rebellion, Bloodshed, etc., and sentenced him to
return to "the noisome, and filthy cage of every unclean
and hateful Bird, the Clergy of Christendom, there to be
bound with Inquisition, Synodical, Classical, Priest-bitter-
all-chaines until the Appearing of the Great and Terrible
Judge of the Whole Earth," who then shall cast all three
with "their Confederates into the Lake of fire and brim-
stone where the Beast and the False Prophets are, and
there to be tormented day and night for ever and ever."
20 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The Arraignment of Persecution appeared almost a year
after Roger Williams had returned to America. It is over-
whelming evidence that The Bloudy Tenent was the text-
book for the Sectarians and the people's sovereignty group
in England. It is also a reminder that Williams was looked
upon as one of the most powerful enemies to Conformity
and Presbyterian government while he was in England,
and that his influence was still feared by them. More than
two score pamphlets, in the Thomasin collection in the
British Museum, written by the radicals in religion and
politics appeared in 1 644 and 1645 taking over verbatim or
paraphrasing from The Bloudy Tenent ^ Queries, and
Master Cotton's Letter Answered. I have omitted these
pamphlet references because they make no mention
directly of Williams or his pamphlets, though they repeat
his sentences, phrases, and peculiar turn of revolutionary
ideas.
Three pamplets appearing early in 1645 in defense of
the doctrines of liberty in church and state are The Com-
■passionate Samaritan, anonymous but probably by Black-
wood, second edition January, 1 645, Innocency and Truth
Triumphing together, January 8, 1645 (E-24J, by John
Goodwin, and The Independent's IVLilitaire Entertain-
ment, April 24, 1645 (E-278) by "W. L." William Ear-
ner. No direct mention is made of The Bloudy Tenent, but
all three quote from it freely. These men were associates of
Williams while he was in Eondon. ( See also H. Burton,
A Vindication of Independents, January, 1645.)
Master Eey went so far as to group Coleman and Salt-
marsh with Roger Williams. ( The New Quere and Deter-
mination, December 1645, E-311 (24), pp. 27, 28, 29,
106, and quoted from Saltmarsh, The Shining of a Flam-
ing Fire in 7. ion ( E-322 ).
"Sure I am (saith he) [Saltmarsh] that State is most
free where the conscience is least strained j if he mean most
free in indulgence, by letting loose the reigns to all reli-
gions, it is true, and if he allow of such freeness, (as by
ROCKR WILLIAMS AND THE KXCLISH RKVOLUTTON 21
his ensuing words it seems he doth ) he complieth with the
author of the Book of The Bloudy Tenent ; who holdeth as
absurdly as impioush," etc., then he quotes from the
pamphlet.
John Saltmarsh replied the following month objecting
to Mr. Ley's joining of him with Williams as a Seeker:
(Smoke in the Temple, January 26, 1646. E-316, pp. 39,
19, 15^^ 20-23 gives seventeen exceptions to Seekerism)
"For the freedom contended for by The Bloody Ten-
ent, when I undetake to prove his freedom at large, then
put us together j till then deal fairly." Saltmarsh is for tol-
eration of Christians only and will not go as far as
Willianis.
Of the "Seekers, so-called" he finds "such clouds rolling
around each opinion". . . For they hold that "there is no
church nor ordinances yet, that if they did not end with
the Primitive or Apostolic times, yet they are to begin as
in the Primitive times, with gifts and miracles, and that
there is much reason for the like gifts to make out the
Truth of any of the Gospels now\" He rejects the Seekers
on seventeen counts.
Hanserd Knollys, the Anabaptist, replied to Saltmarsh,
the Antinomian, the next months but while he discussed
ordinance he mentioned only Saltmarsh by name and the
Seekers only by implication.
The year of 1 646 is replete with attacks upon The
Bloudy Tenent and its sovereignty of the people, liberty
of conscience, assemblage, speech and writing, and separa-
tion of church and state. Milton who has been so profusely
upheld as the sole champion of liberty of speech and press,
is unfortunately almost forgotten. It is the impious and
treasonable Bloudy Tenent upon which the brunt of the
attacks fall, along with the paniphlets of John doodwin
put out in defense of the same idea.
Reverend John Graunt in April, 1645, launched an
attack upon the Independents and realized the variety of
opinions among them. He conciemns especially "general
22 • RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
liberty of every man's opinion," their agreement in "the
freedom and liberty of conscience," and the "congregations
of your own inventions." (Truth's \'ictory against Heresy,
E-277.) Paget in his Heresiography, April, 1645, enu-
merated forty-three sects, and eighty-six kinds of heresies
rampant in England, and complained bitterly of the "here-
tics and sectaries" conventicling together to infect one
another. His reference to the Seekers has already been
quoted.
In 1646 the Presbyterian party gained control of Parlia-
ment, and was able to work with the Assembly of Divines.
The fear of the author of The Aryaig^iuient of Mr. Perse-
cution was all too well grounded. The Scottish party was
well supported by active and able writers. Paget, Edwards,
Burgess, Featley, Twisse, Calamy, Pr\nne, Stewart, Bail-
lie, Rutherford, were among those who ably defended the
Presbyterian efforts and attacked the Sectarian and peo-
ple's sovereignty advocates. E\'en these men failed to avert
the approaching revolution.
"Liberty of Conscience and Toleration of all or any
Religion," wrote Baillie January, 1646,'' "is so prodigious
an impiety, that this religious Parliament cannot but abhor
the very naming of it. Whatever may be the opinion of Jo,
Goodwin and Mr. Williams and some of their stamp, yet
Mr. Burrows in his late Iremciim explodes the abomina-
don."
Baillie remarked that John Cotton wandered into "the
horrible errors of Antinomians and Familists with his dear
friend Mistress Hutchinson." This fall of Cotton was
upheld, he said by the "testimony of Master Williams,
who has as much occasion to know it as any man else^ and
if I mistake not the humor of the man, is very unwilling
to report a lie of his greatest enemy."
About the Indian mission work of Williams, he
reported, "of all ever crossed the American seas, they are
'■'A Dissuasive from the Errors of the Time, Thomasin Coll.
ROCER WILLIAMS AND THK ENGLISH REVOLUTION 23
noted as most neglectful of the work of conversion. I have
heard of none of them, only Master Williams." This is
correct, for Mr. Eliot began his work in 1646 or 1647.
Here is news about the Hutchinson troubles. "Roger
Williams told me that he was employed to buy land from
the sa\'ages, iov the late Governor, and Master Cotton,
with the followers, a proportion of Land without the Eng-
lish Plantation, whither they might retire and live accord-
ing to their own mind, exempt from the Jurisdiction, civil
and ecclesiastical, of all others."
In this Dissuasive Mr. Baillie made some twenty dis-
tinct references to Roger Williams and his writings. The
Bloudy Tenenty Christenings JVlake Not Christians^ M.as-
ter Cotton* s Letter Anszvered, Queries, and Key into the
Language of AtJierica. He mentioned a Williams Paper on
religious and political matters in Providence Plantations
and New England j this Paper is at present unknown.
Baillie also referred to The Model of Church and Civil
Pozver of the Bay Colony preserved in part in The Bloudy
Tenent.
In February, Edward's Gangroena came off the press
with an hysterical account of swarms of sects, "of many
errors, heresies, blasphemies and pernicious practices of the
sectaries of this time vented and acted in England in these
last four years."
"Besides that some errors are vented, even the grossest
kind in print, as in Pilgrimages of Saints, Bloudy Tenent
yea some of the Sectaries herein their writings
published and acknowledged . . . for a toleration of all as
Anabaptists, Antinomians, etc. . . . Independent churches
admit Anabaptists, Antinomians to be members; besides
not censuring wild sectaries." In Part III under the discus-
sion of Eiberty of Conscience he returns to the Bloudy
Tenenty
'"Gangroena, Parts I, 11, 111, Feb. 26, E-323, Alav 28, K-338, Nov.
28, E-368, 16+6.
24 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Of the Sectarians "even most plea," wrote John Vicars/^
"for a Toleration of all opinions and Liberty of Con-
science, the high-way to ruinate and destroy all religion
and conscience." They use pulpit and press, and "cry-up a
most licentious, unlimited and Independent-destructive
government of their own ungrounded invention." They
include "all sorts of tyrannizing misbelievers. Heretics,
Papists, and prophane atheists . . . Anabaptists, Antino-
mians. Independents, Seekers, and such like Libertines . . .
to broach and preach that most wicked and accursed doc-
trine of toleration of all Religion . . . yea all Heresies,
Errors, Sects, and Schisms under that false, subtile,
ungrounded and most ungodly pretext of Liberty of
Conscience."
Mr. Vicars then enumerated those who are preaching
this doctrine in England at that time — Greenhill, Bur-
roughs, Thos. Goodwin, Wm. Bridges, Phil Nye, H. Bur-
ton, William Walwin, Mr. Saltmarsh, tending that way,
Hugh Peters, "that most pragmatical quecquid in Buc-
cam," and John Goodwin. These were known as the asso-
ciates of Williams in the London religious meetings. Mr.
John Cjoodwin in the AnapoJogestiates ( Anapologesiate
Antapologias, August 27, 1646, E-352. answer to Anta-
pologia, Cxangroena, etc. by Thos, Edwards) of some two
hundred pages defends the Independent position, and
"Mr. Williams and the Antinomians" in New England.
Into the conflict were thrown the quarrels of New Eng-
land. Samuel Gorton had come to England to seek redress
against Massachusetts Bay for their inhumane treatment
of the Gortonites. "Wall-eyed Gorton" won the sympa-
thies of Independents and Sectaries, and published a
defense of his life in New England under the title of
Simplicites Defence against Seven-Headed Policy ( Nov.
7, 1646, E-360 ) To this attack Edwin Winslow had made
^^The Schismatick Sifted, or the picture of Independents, June 22,
1646, E-341.
ROCKR WILLIAMS AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION 25
a reply on October 9, 1646 (E-409), in Hypocrasie
Unmasked. Roger Williams and Providence Plantations
received frequent mention; but Williams was well handled
by both sides. Since the quarrel did not directly concern the
English Revolution of 1648, I shall not quote from the
pamphlets. They helped to keep Williams, his ideas, and
his social experiment at Providence before the English
public.
Mr. E.dwards had complained the Independents cry out
that,
"all power of civil government is founded only in the
choice and election of the present people," who can have
no spiritual power to give the state. "Instead of Legal
Rights and the Laws and Customs of this Nation, the Sec-
taries talk of and plead for natural Rights and Liberties,
... in many of their pamphlets . . . speak of being gov-
erned by Right Reason . . . and will be governed by rules
according to nature and right reason."
These peculiar ideas of natural rights were not the sole
property of any one man among the radicals and natural
rights group. But the ideas of people's sovereignty and the
denial of magistrate right to interfere with religion as a
natural right was held by the writers of both parties as the
heresy introduced by Williams in his Bloudy Tenent, and
as vicious as his Seeker views. Mr. Baillie in his tract (Ana-
baptism the fountain of Independency, Dec. 1646. E-369.
pp. 54if, 56f, etc.) against the Independents insisted that
A Remonstrance of Many Thousand Citi'zens for the
release of Lilburne and other political prisoners, was the
result of the Bloudy Tenent doctrines of liberty of con-
science and people's sovereignty taken up by the Sectarians:
"The masters of our mis-orders are making bold to go
visit the State and try their strength upon her .... It is the
certain and now oft printed design of some, to overthrow
from the very foundation the whole edifice of our civil
government; no king, no Lord, must be heard of here-
after; This House of Commons must be cut down, the
26 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Imperial and absolute Soveraignty must be put in the
hands of the multitude of the basest people. They are once
every year to choose for their servants, a new House of
Commons, which all this time shall draw up a new frame
of laws and a new model of government ... if the State be
overthrown, then all is desperate and gone, every particu-
lar person with all his designs how gracious soever, is ready
to be overwhelmed in the rubbish of the commonwealth.
It would be remembered that members of the best state
are but men and not Angels .... the perfect and spotless
Republic of Plato, may well have some place in Utopia or
in the moon, but upon the earth it never yet did dwell, nor
in haste is like to do. , . .
The number of Anabaptists "in England till late was
not great: and the most of these were not English but
Dutch strangers," and "made little noise in England till of
late the Independents have corrupted and made worse the
principles of the old Separatists," such as Ainsworth, John-
son, Robinson, and Clifton. "The excommunications of one
another were so frequent and for so light causes that sun-
dry of them fell to the opinion and practice of those whom
we call Seekers 5 they serve God single and alone without
society of any church finding no Church on earth with
whom they could agree . . . The elder Brownists and
Independents of New England do make it a chief duty of
the Christian Magistrate to restrain and punish false
Teachers and enemies to the Truth of God" as shown in
their Model of Church and Civil Power in The Bloudy
Tenenty page 156. "But Mr. Williams, an Anabaptist long
before Blackwood makes it a Bloudy Tenent" and cries out
for "full liberty of conscience." Baillie then quotes from
the Bloudy Tenent.
Baillie stresses the influence of Lilburn who has now
come half-way to the people's sovereignty party. Lilburn
still demands the liberties of the Citizens, as distinguished
from the mass of the people. The Sectarians, however,
accept his plea to include them. Baillie also quoted Wil-
R0(;KR WILLIAMS AND THK KXCLISH KIA'OLL'TION 27
liams on the Hutchinson controversy in Massachusetts as
the most reliable source. The influence of John Goodwin,
Bail lie considered highly effective.
"\'ery many of the Anabaptists are now turned Seek-
ers," continued Baillie as he elaborated the Seekers' view
spread by Williams, "denying the truth of any Church
upon earth for many ages past, denying that there are any
pastors on the earth, that there may be any preaching of
the word, any joining in prayer, any celebration of Bap-
tism or of the Lord's Supper, any Church discipline at all,
or any Church act, Church-state, or Church ordinance
whatsoever j while God in heaven send new Apostles to
work miracles and set up Churches which for the space of
fourteen hundred years at least have totally failed in the
whole world. Hitherto Mr. Williams, Mr. Clarkson, Mrs.
Attaway, are come," and Saltmarsh defends Seekers, Ana-
baptists, Independents, etc.
Robert Baillie spoke from personal knowledge for he
talked frequently with Mr. Williams in 1643 and 1644 at
the Assembly of Divines in Westminster, and in London.
A number of pamphlets were published during the year
which ciealt with Roger Williams and his ideas by impli-
cation and extracts from his w^orks w^ithout, however, mak-
ing any mention of him. Several of them having unmis-
takably reference to him I shall here include under two
heads: those written against his doctrines j and those in
defense of them. Oi those against his doctrine were two
editions of A Relation of several Heresies^ discovering the
original Ring-leaders, (first edition, Jan. 3, 1646, E-863j
second, October 17, 1646, E-358) and The Arraingment
of the Present Schism of Nezv Separation in Old England^
( May 4, 1646, E-335 ( 10 ). The former in no case named
the ring-leader of an heresy if it originated in Englanci,
no doubt assuming that it was too well known to mention.
Lender "Expectants anci Seekers" he stated "I. That there
is no church nor ordinance, nor ministry in the world;
2. That it is the will of God that miracles should attend the
28 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
ministry as in the Primitive times." The latter pamphlet by
John Brinsley has much about "that much abused Notion
of Liberty of Conscience," and has numerous references to
pamphlets dealing with Tlie Bloudy Tenent.
Eight pamphlets in defense of liberty of conscience and
people's sovereignty were published containing implicit
references to TJie Bloudy Tenent without naming the
pamphlet or Mr. Williams. Cretensh by John Goodwin,
(March 19, 1646, £-328)^^ Whisker in the ear of Mr.
Thomas Edwards, A Word more to Mr. Edwards, (March
13, 1646. E-328j March 19, 1646. E-328) and ^ Predic-
tion of Mr. Edwards his Conversion (August 11, 1646,
E-1184) by Williams Walwin, all four in reply to the
Gangroena have implied references to Williams. A Plea
for Liberty of Conscience by Leonard Busher, first pub-
lished 1614, and reprinted in April, 1646, (E-334. Br.
Mus.) expresses quite fully the spirit of the Sectaries. And
three other pamphlets repeated verbatim a great deal from
the pamphlets without naming the sources. A Defiance
against all Arbitrary Usurpation, (Anonymous, Sept. 9,
1646. E-353) used the Williams phraseology j Conform-
ity's Deformity, in a dialogue between Conformity and
Conscience, (Oct. 26, 1646. E-358) by Henry Burton, a
close friend of Williams, imitates Williams' dialogue,
gives the Williams interpretation of the Scriptures, and
takes over his ideas and phrases freely without credit to
Williams j and in Seekers Supply ed, or Three and forty
non-church queries by Scriptures answered, (Nov. 2, 1646.
E-359) by Thomas Killcop, has not a point not made by
Williams in his four pamphlets three years before, and yet
gives no references. The Bloudy Tenent and his other
pamphlets had by the end of 1 646 became public posses-
sion of the liberals in church and state.
No clearer illustration of how his ideas have permeated
the thinking of the Sectarians exists than the eighth
pamphlet of the group. A Remonstrance of Many Thou-
sand Citi'zens and Other Free-born people in England,
ROGER WILLIAMS AND THE EXCLISH REVOLUTIOX 29
July 7, 1646, in defense of Lilburn and others in Newgate
prison (E-343. BR. Mus. ) :
"We are well assured, neither you nor none else can
have any Power at all to conclude the People in matters
that concern the worship of God, for therein every one of
us ought to be freely assured in our own minds, and to be
sure to worship him according to our conscience . . . for
ye have no Power from us so to do, nor could havej for we
could not confer a Power that was not in ourselves ... If
Kings would prove themselves Lawful Magistrates they
must prove themselves to be so by a lawful derivative of
their Authority, which must be from voluntary trust of the
People . . . being possessed of no more power then what is
in the People justly to intrust."
This quotation from their pamphlet shows how much
the Roger Williams ideas had influenced the writers. I
merely include it to show how far the "People" had trav-
eled since 1643. A reply was made to this Remonstrance by
John Meyer in Christian Liberty Vindicated condemning
it and saying there is "A Democracie being advanced above
all" by a late seditious people.
Cromwell himself had changed much in religion since
1643. In 1646, he wrote to his daughter Mrs. Ireton:
"And thus to be a Seeker is to be of the best sect next after
a Finder j and such a one shall every faithful, humble
seeker be in the end. Happy Seeker, Happy Finder." He
approved of a like view expressed by Lieut-Col. Goffe, in
his speech to the Army Council, in 1647.
On March 9, 1647, William Prynne returned to his
attack upon Dell, H. Burton, J. Goodwin, Lilburn, Over-
ton, and Williams, using the formula "Lives, Liberties and
Estates." These men have one theme, according to Prynne.
"Liberty of Conscience, they preach for, wi-ite for, fight
for," to introduce "Anarchy, Libertinism, impart to all
Heretics, Blasphemers, Seducers, Malefactors, how perni-
cious soever, to let corrupt nature and graceless Heresie
loose to take their full swing and plunge men into all sorts
30 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
of wickedness, crimes, villainies, outrages with impunity in
this world ....
"The Independents in New-England itself, as Master
Cotton, Master Hooker, and others, are of the same judg-
ment, and de facto banished Master Williams, Mistress
Hutchinson, and other Heretics and Schismatics out of
their Plantations," admitting "that seducing Heretics
ought to be put to death," . . . especially since the publish-
ing of "yl Bloudy Tenenf^ . . . now because all of this rank
(who pretend themselves the only Saints and God's
peculiar Portion ) are apt to cry out. Persecution, Persecu-
tion, with open mouth. "^'
Hell Broke Loose, a catalogue of errors, heresies and
blasphemies, appeared on the same day (British Mus.
E-378), giving extracts from The Bloudy Tenent and
Queries of Highest Consideration, grouping Williams
with Samuel Gorton, Clarkson, J. Goodwin, and Salt-
marsh. And on May 20, appeared a pamphlet by "S. R."
propounding fifty questions to the Assembly of Divines.
( Fifty questions propounded to the Assembly to answer
by Scriptures. May 20, 1647, E-388.) Most of the argu-
ments were lifted bodily from the Bloudy Tenent^ even to
their Scripture references j the clearest examples are ques-
tions 49 and 50. No references are made to any of the
authors from whose works he got his questions.
Reverend John Cotton of Boston gave aid and comfort
to the spread of the Roger Williams ideas, by the publica-
tion at this critical moment of his The Bloudy Tenent
Washed and Made W^hite in the Blood of the Lafnby May
15, 1647, in reply to The Bloudy Tenent of Persecution
and the three other pamphlets by Williams, and in answer
to the reports Williams spread about New England during
his stay in London, such as his conversations reported by
Baillie, Edwards, Goodwin and others. Cotton defended
^"The Sword of the Christian magistrate supported, March 9, 1646,
E-516, pp. 83, 97, 152, 168.
ROCKR WILLIAMS AND THE EKGLISH REVOLUTION 31
and explained the banishment of Williams from the Bay-
refuted the charges against and defended the actions of
the Bay Theocracy condemned by Gorton, Williams, and
others whom they banished j attacked Williams and the
Providence Plantations for their religious and civil liber-
ties j stressed the blasphemies and rebelliousness and quar-
relsomeness of Williams in not obeying the church-elders
of Boston j attacked Williams for being a Seeker and a
fomentor of revolution. The honesty and integrity of Cot-
ton is questionable, and his motives were indeed sinister —
this is best illustrated in his giving the lie direct to Wil-
liams for saying that the people of New England had not
done an Indian missionary work when they claimed to
have come for that purpose. In 1646 Rev. John Kliot
began his missionary w^orkj Williams spoke and wrote his
charges against the Bay Church in 1643 and 1644. The
action of Cotton shows his unscrupulousness for his party.
Fortunately, he was not believed in England by such men
as Baillie, Edwards, Rutherford, Burgess, men who attack
Williams principles as vicious, yet believed his word over
against that of John Cotton. That is significant in the study
of the life of Williams. Cotton's entire pamphlet is against
Williams and his principle j only a few words of it are here
needed,
"Mr. Williams hath taken occasion (as is observed by
some who are acquainted with the spirit of the man) first
to rise up against me (the meanest of many) in the exam-
ining and refuting of that Letter" written by Cotton in
1637. "And then (as if, one Mordecai were too small a
morsel) to stand forth against all the churches and Elders
in New-England, in his Bloudy-Tenent ; and then (as if
New-England were but an handful ) from thence to rise up
against the choicest Ornaments of two populous Nations,
England and Scotland, the reverent xA.ssembly of Divines,
together with the Brethren of the Apology: and above
them all to address himself (according to his high-
thoughts) to propound Queries of high concernment (as
32 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
he calleth them) to the High and Honorable Court of
Parliament, So a Bird of prey, affecting to soar aloft, get-
teth first upon the top of a molehill, and from thence
taketh his rise from pole to tree, till he hath surmounted
the highest Mountains."
This pamphlet marks the beginning of the rapid decline
of Cotton's influence with the English liberals. His early
pamphlets on Independency had had much vogue. But
now the liberals left him^ several members of the Crom-
well party answered Cotton in pamphlets defending the
principles of Williams. Baillie and others still believed the
reports of Williams rather than the words of Cotton.
Meanwhile Cotton also began to quarrel with Edwards
and other supporters of the Presbyterians, and Cotton's
star was definitely in the descendency.
Now in 1647, The Bloudy Tenent stands, independent
of Roger Williams, as the clarion call to liberty and refor-
mation or revolution. Cromwell, Lord Fairfax, Fleetwood,
Harrison, and Ireton, among the leaders in the Army, had
allowed the Sectarians preachers liberty of preaching to the
soldiers, with the result that by July 23, 1647, pamphlets
begin to speak of "dangerous designs driven on by the Sec-
taries in the Army." (Works of Darkness brought to
light, (Anon) E-399.)
Sectaries and maJignants "introduce an universal Lib-
erty and Toleration of all sorts of false and heretical opin-
ions j all the Sectaries in the kingdom labor with might and
main to promote this, in one Pamphlet 'tis boldly asserted
. . . see Williams' Bloody Tenent of Persecution for cause
of Consciences^ and then the author quotes. "Numerous
pamphlets there are abroad besides broacht by the seducing
Chaplains of the Army and their accomplices," quoting
Mr. Dell, Saltmarsh, J. Goodwin "and Queries." There
are an "abundance of other Pamphlets which cry up this
their Diana of Toleration j yea their Army Chaplains have
so corrupted their hearers and disciples . . . that the whole
Army now contends for Toleration by the Sword in the
ROCKR WILLIAMS AND THK ENGLISH KEVOLUTION 33
Field which their Teachers could never make good by
Arguments either in press or print; yea the whole Army
declares this to be the design.'""*
Thomas Edwards, who was greeted as "our much sus-
pected friend . . . Scavenger General, throughout Great
Britain, New England .... The Grand Reformer," in a
pamphlet against liberty of conscience covering over two
hundred pages again attacks Williams as the chief of the
offenders. (A Treatise against Toleration and pretended
Liberty of Conscience, June 28, 1647. E-394.) John
Goodwin is the chief target of Edwards for his influence
as a leader in England. More than a dozen references are
made to Williams and The Bloudy Tenant some of them
covering many pages. In a ridiculous display of pedantry,
Edwards brings against Williams and fellow liberals argu-
ments from Plutarch, Aristotle, Plato, Calvin, Melanch-
thon, Beza, Peter Martyr, Zanchius, Bullinger, Musculus,
Chemnitius, Gerardus, Gerson, Bucanus, Cartwright, Sen-
eca, Aurelius, Livy, Diogenes Leartius, Herodotus, Xeno-
phon, H. Parker and others. Martin Luther and St.
Augustine were here on the side of the liberals. I shall
quote only a few^ short passages to show with whom and in
what rank Williams is placed by Edwards:
"This decree of Artaxerxes had been according to Mas-
ter Goodwin, The Bloudy Tenent, and other Libertine's
opinion, such a wicked and bloudy doctrine."
The calling of the Old Testament as typical "this thread
runs all along through their works. M.S., The Bloudy
Tenent, The Ancient Bond or Liberty of Conscience stated y
The Storming of Antichrist with many other phices." This
discussion covers pp. 1 7ff.
"Grand Patrons of Toleration, Munus Celsus Senesis,
Acontius, The Bloudy Tenent, M.S., Hagiomastix to make
void these places of Scripture," Exodus, Leviticus, Deu-
'Refcrs to The Army's Humble Remonstrance, June, 1647.
34 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
teronomy, these commands abrogated by Christ about
"magistrate's power de facto in matters of religion."
"In their Libertines Pamphlets, as Bloudy Tenant,
Storming of Antichrist , Co?npassionate Scnnaritan, Justifi-
cation of Toleration, Queres upon the Ordinances for pre-
vention of Heresies.^*
And that Williams maintains "that captial punishment
in Israel is in type only."
The entire Treatise by Edwards is a tacit admission of
the fact that the Bloudy Tenent has become the embodi-
ment of the demands of the Army, the citizens and the
Sectarians in England against the claims of the Scotch
Covenanters and their stranglehold upon English public
and religious life. Three days later appeared a pamphlet
with a picturesque title of The Last Will and Testament
of Sir Janies Independent, ( Anon. July 31,1 647, E-400 ),
who was dangerously sick of a disease, "My body I give to
the Earth, which I ordain to be wrapped or shrowded in
twelve Sheets of Paper sewed together, taken out of the
Books heretofore written by my dear Sons, to wit. The
Arra^nguient of Mr. Persecution, Bloudie Tenent, and
Comfort for Believers,^'' and nine others. The palbearers
were to be Wiet, Sarmon, Tue, Lambe, Hawes, Hobson,
Burton, Simpson, Jo. Goodwin, Saltmarsh, and Hanserd
Knollys.
Two pamphlets, one by Cartwright, ( The magistrate's
authority in matters of religion, Aug. 12, 1647. E-401 )
the other by Rutherford, (A survey of Spiritual anitchrist,
Nov. 1647. E-415) appeared against the Army and Sec-
tarians. They both deal with the immediate civil crisis;
neither mentions Williams, except by implication. Both
writers refer to Cotton's The Bloudy Tenent Washed and
the principles of Williams, as well as to other pamphlets
which deal with him. Rutherford has this to say of Crom-
well and others, page 257,
Cromwell has no "spiritual unity in the Army" but
Socinians, Arminians, Anabaptists, followers of Saltmarsh,
R0(;KR WILLIAMS AND THK KNOLISH RF.VOLUTIOX 35
Mr. Dell and Seekers. These men disclaim in print both
"Presbytery and Independency." The Independents in
Old England are not like "those in N. England," but hold
"other unsound and corrupt tenets especially that of Lib-
erty of Conscience, which bordereth with Atheism, Scepti-
cism, and with all faiths, and no faith."
The first part of the Civil War for the supremacy of
Parliament and the Presbyterians, covered the years of
1642 to 1646. The second period extended from 1646 to
the death of the King, January 30, 1649. The second
period was a three-cornered quarrel: the Scotch Presb}'-
terians in control of Parliament with the Sectarians and the
Levellers, and the Royalists against both the former. The
growth of the idea of Toleration among the Royalists is
expressed by Jeremy Taylor's The Liberty of Prophesy-
ing, June, 1647, in which he stands for toleration in
religion.
Lilburn was released from the Tower in 1647, and
became active in the Army and for civil liberty. In Regal
Tyranny discovered (Jan. 6, 1647. E-370) he declared:
"the people in general are the original legislators and the
true fountains ... of all just power" j all power of the
House of Commons is "merely derivative and bounded
within this tacit commission to act only for the good of
those that betrusted them"; and that it is lawful to rebell
against tyrants. All of which Williams stated in The
Bloudy Tenenty 1644 (See quotations above. ) These same
ideas are restated again in four pamphlets: The Compas-
sionate Samaritan^ (Thomas Bedford, Jan. 1647, E-370 ),
Hagiomastix, or the scourge of the saints, ( John Goodwin,
Feb. 5, 1647. E-374), The Independent Catechism,
(Richard Burton, June, 1647. E-1182 ), and Four Delib-
erate and Solid Queries. (Anon. June 3, 1647. E-516. )
Three men who had been closely associated with Wil-
liams in 1643 and 1644, published tracts in defense of the
Leveller opinions. I shall quote from the pamphlet by
Richard Overton, prisoner of Newgate and author of the
36 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
pamphlet The Arraignment of Mr. Persecution ^ in 1645,
in defense of Williams, of which several editions were
published to meet the popular demands. On July 17,
1647, Overton published An Appeal (E-398. Br. Mus.j
"for the Liberties and freedom of England." The doc-
trines of this book are people's sovereignty, full liberty of
conscience, natural Rights, principles of Right Reason,
right of rebellion, and "equity of law is superior to the
letter of the law,"
"all betrusted power if forfeit falls into the hands of
the betrusters, as the proper center" and its forfeiture
allows for non-obedience.
"By natural birth all men are equal and alike born to
like propriety and freedom, every man by natural instinct
aiming at his own safety and weal . . . for every individual
in nature is given an individual propriety by nature, not to
be invaded or usurped by any . . . for every one as he is
himself hath self propriety."
Overton, like Williams, has here the Jefferson doctrine
complete. How improper to give credit to Lilburn alone.
The other two men were William Larner and Henry
Overton, brother to Richard; the former wrote A Clear
and full Vindication of the Artny, and the latter A Decla-
ration by the Congregational Society in London. ( Julv 12,
1647. E-397; Nov.'^22, 1647. E-416) They argued the
same religious and political doctrines handled in An
Appeal. Full Discourse of the Poiver of Parliaments
(Anon, a doctor of divinity, July 24, 1647. E-399) is
filled with uncredited verbatim quotations from The
Bloudy Tenent. A very good example of the pamphleteers'
method of taking over the ideas and phraseology from The
Bloudy Tenent is that of Samuel Richardson in The
Necessity of Toleration. (Sept. 17, 1647. pp. 1-22.
E-407.) Since space does not allow me to quote every
pamphlet that borrowed from Williams this one example
must suffice, page 15:
ROGKR WILLIAMS AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION 37
"If the magistrate be a Member of a Church, yet he
ought to be excommunicated, if he deserve it.
"Sins of the Magistrate are hateful and condemned,
Esa. 10. 1. Mich 3\. It is a Paradox, that a Magistrate
may be punished by the Church, and yet that they are
Judges of the Church.
"If that Religion the Magistrate be perswaded be true,
he owes a three-fold duty.
"First, Approbation, Esa. 49. Rev. 21. with a tencier
respect to the truth, and the professor of it.
"Secondly, Personall submission of his Soule to the
powers of Jesus his government. Mat. 18. I Cor. 5.
"Thirdly, protection of them, and their estates from
violence and injury, Rom. 13, to a false Religion he owes,
"I. Permission ( for approbation he owes not to what is
evil) as Mat. 13. 30. for publick peace and quietness.
"2 Protection of the Persons of his subjects (though of
a false worship) that no injury be offered to the persons
or goods of any, Rom. 13.'""'
Mr. Richardson uses no means to show that it is not his
own. This is copied from Williams even to the periods and
commas and parentheses. Many of the Sectarians and Lev-
ellers followed similar methods with Williams, Goodwin,
Lilburn, Overton and others j and they in turn from
Williams.
By the summer of 1647, the Presbyterians found that
the Army which they had hoped to continue as their tool
for oppressions was rearing to become a menace and mas-
ter. Their party pamphleteers began to talk of the Army
with reference to "examples of Jack Straw, Wat Tyler,
Cade, Ket, the Cornish, Kentish, Northern Rebels and
their Confederates." The Sectaries "whose religion is
Rebellion, and whose faith is Faction" were now in control
of the Army. Cromwell and General Fairfax had a difficult
task steering a course between King and Parliament and
^Sce 77?^ Blotitly Tenent, p. 214 for this same material.
38 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
the uneasy Army. The unrest and dissatisfaction of the
Army is hrst expressed by "A Humble Representation,"
June 4, and "A Solemn Engagement," June 5, under the
leadership of Lilburn, Overton, Walwin, and others. On
July 15, Ireton made the first deliberate attempt to set
forth a political program for the Army in "A Declaration
of the Army." On July 18, in "The Heads of Proposals"
Ireton prepared a constitutional scheme for the Council of
the Army. And on October 9, Lilburn presented a scheme
in "The Case of the Army." Civil theories were plentiful.
"The Case of the Army" has perhaps been overesti-
mated for its originality. Lilburne asked for a "paramount
law" or constitution, biennial Parliaments, manhood suf-
frage without regard to rank or wealth or birth, suprem-
acy of Parliament in legislation and control of officials,
abrogation of King and Peers. For said he, "all power is
originally and essentially in the whole body of the people
of this nation," and that "their free choice or consent by
their representors is the only original foundation of all
just government." In all this Lilburn has not done more
than restated Tlie Bloudy Tenent doctrine which I have
quoted in the early portion of the paper.
"The Agreement of the People" appeared on Nov. 3,
1647 and was the work, so it is believed, of Ireton, Lil-
burn, R. Overton, and Walwin, the authors of the previous
remonstrances. "The Agreement" combined the demands
of "Heads of Proposals" and "Case of the Army" turned
into a sort of civil constitution. It contained four articles.
I. Proportional Representation in Parliament; II. Disso-
lution of Parliament on definite date; III. Biennial Parlia-
ments; IV. Rights of Parliament: 1. a single house, to be
supreme; 2. to make, amend, and repeal laws; 3. to erect
and abolish offices and courts, control officials, conduct for-
eign affairs, and make peace and war. There were five
reservations: 1. religious liberty; 2. no impressment for
war; 3. no penalty for part in Civil War; 4. equal justice;
5. equal laws, aimed at safety and well-being of people.
R()(;i:R WILLIAMS AXD THK kn(;lish kkvolutiox 39
These ideas and principles have been lauded as unprece-
dented. Let us look at Providence Plantations in 1647.
Every principle underlying "The Agreement" was
expressed in The Bloudy Tefient in 1644, and, as we have
seen, by others frequently afterwards. In May, 1647, the
democratic federated Commonwealth of Providence Plan-
tations was organized. (Richman: Rhode Islandy Vol. I
and II.) It was created by the people who remained the
sovereign of the states they formulated a constitution,
erected a civil government responsible to them directly;
by manhood suffrage they elected the representatives and
a "President" of the civil state. The constitution defined
democracy, individualism, natural and civil rights and lib-
erties by a bill of rights, and set limits to state interference
with the individual and a sphere of state functions, and
granted liberty of conscience. Providence Plantations had
a great deal more rights and liberties assured to the people,
than was demanded by the Agreement.
In Providence Plantations furthermore the democratic
state was an independent State making peace and war and
conducting foreign affairs. Here was in reality the Utopia
of the English Levellers. Their "Agreement of the Peo-
ple" was a dream of visionaries in England, granting less
liberties than was actualh' enjoyed by the individuals in
the colony of Roger Williams. Could it not have been
possible that the framers of "The Agreement" had before
them the Constitution of Providence Plantations as their
model :
The Presbyterians did not remain idle meanwhile. On
December 4th appeareci two pamphlets attacking the
Agreement. The Ar))iy Anatomi'zed (Anon. 1647. E-419)
calls it the work of Sectaries, Independents and schimat-
ics in their great design of "a Universal Toleration and
Liberty of Conscience for all men, in all religions." The
Grand Design (Anon. Dec. 8, E-419) calls it the work of
Cromwell and Ireton in their "plausible pretences of Lib-
erty, Freedom, indempty, and security." A Pair of Spec-
40 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
tacles for the C it tie (Anon. Dec. 4. E-419) calls it the
work of "profane and ignorant persons for the ruin of
Religion, all Government, order, confounding all distinc-
tion of men." "The Design hatched by Philip Nye, Tom
and John Goodwin, and the rest of the Rabble." That
Cromwell and Ireton are the heroes of the Rabble. That
the solders were "instructed in their erroneous Tenets" by
the sectarian ministers, "Trunpeters of Rebellion" j "that
foggy, cock-brained, blustering. Hocus-pocus Peters,"
Saltmarsh, Dell, Erbury, Walwin, Hewson, Clarkson, and
many other sectarians. And may it not have been largely
the work of these sectarian ministers who spread the Lev-
eller ideas by their preaching and teaching, rather than the
pamphleteers themselves.
Whatever part Williams had in supplying the inspira-
tion and principles for the Leveller movement, there can
be no doubt that the work of carrying on the rebellion fell
not to Williams but by those who lived and worked in
England for the Leveller cause. Williams was, however,
able to practice in the American wilderness the principles
which the visionaries failed to establish in England.
The enemies of Williams and his doctrine in Massachu-
setts Bay did all in their power to undermine the good
name, honesty and influence of William in both old and
new England. The Way of Congregational Curches
Cleared by John Cotton appeared February 9, 1648,
(E-426. Br. Mus. pp. 18, 21, 27, 28ff) and contained
three references to Williams purposing to question his
integrity:
"I have lately maintained in my reply unto Mr. Wil-
liams his Answer to my I>etter" that I was against rigid
separation.
"And of late (through the Grace of Christ) one of our
fellow Elders. Mr. Eliot, Teacher at Rocksbury, having
gotten the knowledge of the Indian language preacheth to
them every week: one week to one congregation on the
fourth day, to the other on the sixt the week following."
ROC.KR WTLLTAMS AND THK ENCLISH KKVOLl'TION 41
Cotton says they willing give ear, reform vicious habits,
are trained up in English families and in their schools.
In reference to Bloudy Tenent, Cotton calls Williams'
words "such arrogant comparisons are as smoke in God's
nostrils, Isa. 65. S. the first born of vanity, and the first step
to apostacie."
"Mr. Williams is too too credulous of surmises and
reports brought him and too too confident in divulging of
them."
In reply to Williams' statement to Baillie that Cotton
intended to leave Boston in the Hutchinson controversy,
he says "if ever I had removed, I intended Quinipyack,
and not Aquidncck." On Pages 79 and following. Cotton
tries to descredit Williams' work among the Indians and
exalt Eliot.
Another Bay settler who helped to keep Williams before
the English reading public was Rev. Thomas Shepard in
The clear sun-shine of the Gosfel breakings upon the
Indians in New England. (March 8, 1648. £-431). He
also took part in the campaign of the Bay clergymen to
discredit Williams and exalt Eliot before the Board of
Indian missions corporation at Cooper Hall, London. The
words of this worthy minister tell their object. Mr. Wil-
liams reported when in England in 1643 and 1644, that
the New England churches had been neglecting their orig-
inal intention of converting the Indians. This report caused
much comment and numerous complaints to reach Boston,
John Eliot began his mission work as a reply to the chal-
lenge froni Williams. In 1648 Shepard wrote that they
have twenty-nine orders of agreement, Feb. 1648, by the
Inciians of Concord, the orders were prepared by Capt.
Seward, Puritans using the military to convert the Indians.
This showed, remarked Shepard very plainly the good
work of the Bay Elders.
"Mr. Eliot excells any other of the English" — this to
counteract Williams.
Eliot admitted the Indians listen to him because "the
42 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
better sort of them perceiving how acceptable this was to
the English, both to magistrates, and all good people."
The diabolical intent of Rev. Shepard in this pamphlet
appears on page 3 1 : "Mr. Eliot's conference with a Narra-
gansett Sachem a sober man this year^ after that he had
taught this Sachem the Law of God, and had shewn him
the means of salvation by Christ j he then asked him if he
did know and understand those things? . . . He then asked
him, why he did not learn of Mr. Williams who hath
lived among them divers years? and he soberly answered
that they did not care to learn of him, because he is no
good man but goes out and works upon the Sabbath day."
Rev. Shepard added, he gave this "to shew what the ill
example of English may do."
But the ministers of England were far more anxious to
cry down Williams, than ever his beloved brethren in
Massachusetts Bay. On December 14, 1647, the ministers
of the Province of London, called Sion College, met in
Alphage parish within Cripplegate, London, at their Lon-
don headquarters and prepared A Testimony to the Truth
of Jesus Christ . . . "against the errors, heresies and blas-
phemies . . . being collected out of their authors own books."
The length of the pamphlet was something more than
thirty-five pages. Page 17 has the denunciation of the
Seekers j page 18, of Williams' errors against lawful oaths
with extracts from Master Cotton'' s Letter Examined;
page 22, of his errors of Toleration "under the grossly
abused notion of Liberty of Conscience" with extracts from
Queries of Highest Consideration, and The Bloudy Ten-
ent ; and pages 26 to 35 are given to a general denunciation
of errors advocated by Williams. Samuel Gorton, J. Good-
win, and the other Sectarians also received their share of
attention. The effect of all these errors declared the Testi-
mony was that,
"Instead of a Reformation ... we have a Deformation
in Religion:; in a word instead of extirpation of Heresie,
Schism, Prophaneness, etc., we have such an impudent and
R()(;|-.K WII.I.rAMS AND THI". KX(;LISH RI'AOI.l'TTOX 43
general enuiidation of all the evils, that multitudes are not
ashamed to press and plead for a public, formal, and uni-
\ersal Toleration,"
The "Sion College" manifestation, says C. B. in his
pamphlet Sion College, What it is, ( May 24, 1648. E-444.
See also John Goodwin's pamphlet, Sion College Msited,
E-425. ) is the ecclesiastical view of the London clergy, the
Assembly of Divines, and the Presbyterian Parliament,
and their "acts of late for suppressing errors, heresies,
blasphemies and Sectaries."
The ministers of the provincial parishes in England now
hastened to uphold the Testimony of Sion College. In the
Thomasin Collection of the British Museum are the pam-
phlets of fifteen parishes outside of London, representing
about eight-hundred ministers who added their Testi-
monies to that of Sion College against Roger Williams, his
Blondy Tene7it and other pamphlets, and the other Sec-
taries. The pamphlets make specific references to Williams
and his books. \n other words by the beginning of 1648,
the name of Roger Williams was known throughout all
the Mid-lands and northern England to at least 800 min-
isters of the Presbyterian party.
These Testimonies against the errors, heresies, and blas-
phemies, were published, and addressed the Sion College
in support of their Testimony: The Testimony of Dec. 14,
1647 was signed by S2 London ministers; A Representa-
tion to the General and his Council of War, Jan. 1 8, 1648,
E-538, by 47 ministers; by the Ministers of Banbury in
Oxen and Brackley, Northampton, Jan. 25, E-540, 19
ministers; b\- the Ministers of Lancaster, March 3, E-434,
84 ministers; by the Warwickshire ministers, March 16,
E-434, 43 ministers; \'indiciae \'eritatis. Ministers of
West Riding, Co. York, April 6, E-444, 41 ministers; by
the Ministers of Essex, May 2, E-438, 132 ministers; by
the Ministers of Salop, May 16, E-442, 57 ministers; by
the Ministers of Northampton, May 11, E-441, 69 min-
isters; by the Ministers of Norfolk and Norwich, June 9,
44 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
E-447, 40 ministers j by the Ministers of Co. Wilts, June
26, E-449, 83 ministers; by the Ministers of Devon,
June 27, E-450, 73 ministers; by the Ministers of Staf-
ford, July 14, E-453, 38 ministers; by the Ministers of
Co. Suffolk, July 19, E-453, 39 ministers; by the Minis-
isters of Somerset, Aug. 9, E-457, 69 ministers. I am cer-
tain that I missed several of the pamphlets, but this gives
a fair view of the attitude of the English clergy under
the Presbyterian establishment. According to other pam-
phleteers these clergy had been Anglican clergy before the
Presbyterian Parliament. If this is true, can anyone wonder
why Williams was condemning the Hireling Ministry as
none of Christ's.
A Glass for the Times (Anon. July 29, 1648. E-455)
appeared in the summer of 1648, giving two quotations
from the books of Williams and condemning his errors on
lawful oaths and his error of full liberty of conscience.
Another pamphlet The Hunting of the Fox or the Sec-
taries (Aug. 27, 1648, E-457) said that the cry of the
sectary is faith, religion, conscience, liberty, reformation or
revolution. Presbyterianism was now slowly being over-
come by the sectarians; and in a few more months, they
will be driven out of Parliament by the Army, and the
Rump Parliament of Independents will take over civil
authority.
Two pamphlets that have no direct bearing on Williams
are of interest here. The first is The Reasons of the Dis-
senting Brethren against Presbyterial government. ( May
6, 1648, E-439. by the seven brethren) The book in great
length discusses their difference with the Assembly of
Divines of which they are members, on the policy of Pres-
byterian state-church government. The seven brethren
were intimate friends of Roger Williams: Tho. Goodwin,
Jer. Burroughs, W. Carter were the least liberal; Phil
Nye, Sidrack Simpson, Williams Bridges and Mr. Green-
hill took part with Williams in religious meetings in and
around London in 1643-44. The other pamphlet has
KOGKR WILLIAMS AND THK ENGLISH KK\()LUT10N 45
political interest. Good English or the safest zvay of Settle-
ment, May 8, 1648 (E-441. Br. Mus.) shows that the
cause has split into the Presbyterian and Independent fac-
tions, and the Independents divided into the superior
Army officers who
"aim to be an aristocratical form of government and ( in
plain ternis ) to declare themselves and their select con-
federates Free States.
" The other party called Levellers consist only of some
colonels and commanders of inferior rank in the Army,
w^ith whom joined some few members of the Commons
House, and a confused Rabble of Sectaries in the Army,
city, suburbs, and some parts of the country. Their aim is
at a Democratical form of government investing the power
in the people; so that this wild Faction ex-prof esso are
enemies alike both to Monarch and Aristocracy and will be
governed neither by Kings nor States."
However nearly that analysis was correct, the events of
early 1649 bear out the prophecy. The Rump Parliament
formed by the Army under Cromwel], Whalley, Lilburn,
and Ireton, set up a high court anci tried the King and
condemned him to the block. He was executed January 30,
1649. The Presbyterians were driven out of power at the
point of the ba\'onet. In February, Lilburn, Overton, Wal-
win. Sawyer, and Prince, the leaders of the Levellers, were
thrown into prison by the Rump Parliament. The Inde-
pendents in control of the Rump Parliament were headed
by Ireton, Cromwell, Sir Henry \^ine and Oliver St. John.
The Parliament, wrote Feake, in 1654, ( .1 Beam of Light,
E-737) tried "to introduce the Government of a Free-
State" and to "engage the Army and the Nation in this
New Establishment, without King or House of Peers."
In 1653, the Lord Protector Cromwell "usurped the
supreme ci\'il Power to secure and to establish it to him-
self and to his family" and introduced a "hated Tyranny
of a New Edition."
When the Le\'ellers realized that their leaders were
46 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
thrown into prison by the Rump Parliament and that their
principles were rejected by Cromwell and his party, a new
flood of pamphlets came forward for liberty. The women
of London petitioned for the release of the Levellers,
April 24. ( To the Supreme Authority of this Nation,
E-551 ) Three pamphlets appeared with a great deal of
quoted material from the pamphlets of Williams: Liberty
of Conscience Asserted (Anon. March 20, 1649. E-548 )
by laws of God, nature and reason j Certain Queries con-
cerning Liberty of Conscience^ by a friend of Williams,
Col. Henry Danvers, (March 27, E-548. by a lover of
truth and just freedom), the twelve queries are fashioned
on the Queries of Williams; and A Discourse of Liberty
of Conscience^ (Thomas Whitheld, defender of persecu-
tion. May 7, 1649. E-554. ), wherein the arguments on
both sides are so equally laid together in the balance. The
thirteen arguments for liberty of conscience are often taken
verbatim from the Queries or Bloudy T enent. The other
pamphlets on Leveller principles go more afield for their
ideas, and must be omitted here.
Two treatises appeared during the summer of 1 649
written by learned Presbyterian divines. Both these theo-
logical treatises consider Williams as the first and foremost
exponent of liberty of conscience and general liberty, and
separation of church and state. Coming five years after the
publication of The Bloudy Tenent and after the Presby-
terian party has been turned out of Parliament, and from
the pen of two such able theologians, these two pamphlets
are a good metestick of the influence of Williams in the
revolution now taking place in England. A Treatise of
cases of Conscieyice^ by George Gillespie, (July 16, 1649,
E-564) dealt mostly with the doctrines of Roger Williams
in pages 133 to 164, although implied references are made
in the first 133 pages. He quoted Williams as the only
man who has fully and completely set forth the principles
of liberty and of Seekerism. He dealt with the Bloudy
Tenent by chapters, for example.
ro(;kr WILLIAMS AND THK i:n(;lish KKVOLUTIOX 47
He quoted from chapter 33: "It is true, the mischief of
a blind Pharisee, blind guiciance, is greater then if he acted
treasons, murders, etc.. And the loss of one soul by his
seduction is greater mischief, then if his blew up Parlia-
ment, and cut the throats of Kings and Emperors, so
precious is that iiualuable Jewel of a Soul."
Such passages from T/^e Bloudy Tenent quoted after
the beheading of the King on Jan. 30, six months previ-
ously, make Wilbams seem dangerous indeed. I shall
omit the numerous comments of Gillespie on the Williams
doctrines and give one more of his quotations:
He quoted from Chapter 52: "if Sectaries and Here-
ticks make a breach of peace, disturb the State, and do evil
against the Common-wealth in civil things, then the Mag-
istrate may punish and suppress them," otherwise they
must be tolerated and foreborn — " also Compassionate
Samaritan, p. 10; John the Baptist, p. 57; M. S. to A. S.,
p. S3^ 54; The Ancient Bounds, Chap. 1," are given as
upholding the same principle.
Samuel Rutherford of Scotland, Presbyterian theolo-
gian, in A Free Disputation against Liberty of Conscience y
devoted no less than 40' y of his volume of over four hun-
dred pages to a refutation of the doctrines and principles
of Roger Williams, and especially The Bloudy Tenent.
The first reference to Williams is made on pages 46 ff, on
the doctrine of the Seekers, and the last reference is on
page 410, the last paragraph of the treatise, dealing with
Williams' interpretation of Romans chapter 13, on the
principle of separation of church and state. This is a schol-
arly treatise couched in reserved but confident language.
The entire Bloudy Tenent in its theological aspect is in
turn subjected to his dogmatic searchlights. On page 403,
Rutherford contends that the pamphlet "On necessity of
Toleration," 1647, borrowed from the Bloudy Tenent.
A few^ examples of the method of handling Williams'
ideas used by Rutherford may be in order. In showing that
W^illiams misinterpreted the parable of the Tares, and
48 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
after Williams the other sectarians made the same error,
Rutherford quotes as authority against Williams "Parisi-
ensis, Part I, Tract, de. Legibus, p. 27" j Calvin, Beza,
Acontius, Gamacheus, Suarez, Tolmenesj on liberty of
conscience, he quotes chapter 40, and then refers the reader
to Goodwin, Saltmarsh, Del, Samuel Gorton, Jeremy Tay-
lor, as upholding the same views j against Williams defense
of civil rights of seducing teachers, Rutherford quotes
from the writings of Parius, Meyer, Calvin, Piscator, Beza,
Luther, Perkins, Bullinger, Augustine, Bible, and Ame-
oius. Rutherford attacks The Bloiuiy Tenent in the correct
dogmatic manner with the weapons of exegetics and his-
torical criticism, making free use of Church Fathers and
noted theologians among the Reformers as his authority.
The detailed treatment of The Bloiidy Tenant^ pub-
lished in 1 644, by these two Presbyterian theologians in
1 649 is a tacit recognition that this was considered by the
Presbyterians the most troublesome single pamphlet of
Leveller and Independent parties now in control of the
English Commonwealth.
The poet John Milton, friend of Williams, on Febru-
ary 13, 1649, came out in defense of the execution of King
Charles in The 1' enure of Khigs and Alagistrates. ( E-542.
Br. Mus. ) Milton restated the Leveller political princi-
ples, but he fell far short of their ideal of liberty of con-
science. He grants the "lawfulness of raising war against a
tyrant in defense of Religion" and grants only Toleration
of certain Christian sects. Williams and the Levellers stood
for full and absolute liberty of conscience. Milton took a
half-way position.
After 1649 Williams dropped out of the limelight of
English political and religious discussions. His principles
had become common public property without regard to
man or party. The Independents followed the half-way
position of Milton and the Five Dissenting Brethren of
1644, granting only toleration of certain Christian sects.
The great body of sectaries, Quakers, Ranters, Antino-
ROGER WILLIAMS AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION 49
mians, Seekers, and others were still without the pale of
religious respectability. The English Commonwealth was
indeed "Tyranny in a New Edition," and a sad disappoint-
ment to Williams when he returned in Deceiriber, 1651.
In 1651, a friend of Williams, Isaac Pennington, Esq.,
took up the cudgel for The Fundamental Rights Safety,
and Liberty of the People (May 15, E-629. pp. 38). Like
The Bloiidy Tenent, this pamphlet has an address to
Parliament, and another to the people. He paraphrases
and quotes verbatim freely from Williams without credit-
ing his sources. Williams mentions Mr. Pennington in one
of his pamphlets in 1652.
The Key Into the Language of America, 1643, by Roger
Williams attracted wide attention in England and on the
Continent among a variety of persons. It was a chief
authority for those who cared to know about Indian life,
manners, morals and religion, philologists, historians, and
scholars interested in the origin of races, for their informa-
tion about the Indians of New England. Tho. Thorough-
good, in his Jezvs in America, or probability that the Amer-
ican are Jews, quoted and paraphrased copiously from the
Key of Williams. (May 6, 1651, E-600, Br. Mus. pp. 5,
8 1 ) This section is of interest:
"Master R. Williams, one of the first, if not the first of
our Nation in New England that learned the Language,
and so prepare toward the conversion of the Natives, which
purpose of his being known, he was desired to observe if
he found anything Judaical among them, etc. He kindly
answered to those letters from Salem in New England,
2()th of the lOth month, more than ten years since in hac
verba: Three things make me yet suspect that the poor
natives came from the southward, and are Jewes or Jew^ish
quodammode, and not from the Northern barbarians as
some imagine. 1. Themselves constantly afiirm that their
Ancestors came from the southwest, and thither they all
go dying. 2. They constantly and strictly separate their
women in a little wigwam by themselves in their feminine
so RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
seasons. 3. And beside their God Kuttand to the southwest,
they hold that Nanawitnawit (a God overhead) made the
Heavens and the Earth, and some tast of affinity with the
Hebrew have I found."
The letter referred to was written 20/10/1635 O. S. or
N. S. December, 1635. "And in New England, Mr. Wil-
liams seemed in other things to be extravagant, yet that he
writes to this point: For the Government of the Common-
wealth from the King, as supreme, to the inferiors and
subordinate magistrates, my heart is on them, as once Deb-
orah spake: and as the governors and associates do them-
selves take oath of Allegiance, so they have power by their
charter to give the same to all that shall at any time pass
to them, or inhabit with them."
Americans no Jews, by Hamon L'Estrange, (Oct. 5,
1651. E-643.) was a reply to Mr. Thoroughgood and
tried to disprove his conclusions, quoting beside the Key by
Williams, Purchas: de America, Champlaiuj Deser Ind.
Occid. and even J. Cotton and Edwin Winslow. The pam-
phlet is full of uninformed nonsense set out with much
pedantry.
When Williams returned to England December 1651
and saw that the Independents were no more tolerant than
had been the Anglicans or the Presbyterians, he launched
into a series of publications for Liberty of conscience and
civil rights. In April, 1652, he published The Bloudy
Tenent Yet more Bloudy in reply to Cotton's The Bloudy
Tenent Washed, 164-7 ; Experiments of Spiritual Life, a
letter written to his wife in the American wilderness; and
The Hireling Ministry None of Christ^ s, his share in the
controversy about civil enforcement of church tithes. In
May he wrote a preface to Major Butler's Fourth Paper
in which he united with several other men, leaders among
the Independents, in a request for full liberty of conscience
and the re-admission of the Jews into England. In July,
The Examiner Defended, in a fair and sober way appeared.
(E-675, Thomasin Collection, Br. Mus; and Bodl. Eibr.
ROGER WILLIAMS AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION 51
Bartholomew Coll. \^ol. 95 (7) It is an anonymous pam-
phlet which I have identified as the w^ork of Roger
Williams'" written as a favor to a "Senator" and prominent
member of the Cromwell government. In May John
Clarke, who had come w^ith Williams, as agent from Rhode
Island to re-establish the Charter of 1644, published ///
Neiv jrom Neiv England^ a narrative of New England's
Persecution, in which Williams was presented in his true
character as the friend and helper of the oppressed and
needy and a tolerant and sympathetic person, whose inten-
tions and life were noble and unselfish, but who was a
leader of men.
Three pamphlets written by men hostile to the ideas and
principles for which Williams stood conclude the direct
references that I have found to him in the Thomasin col-
lection in the British Museuni. Thomas Cubbet, teacher in
Lynne, Bay colony, replied in 1653 to Mr. Clarke's ///
Ne'uos in a book The Civil Magistrate's Power in Matters
of Religion. (Feb. 15, E-687) It is a weak reply, with
only a brief reference to Williams,
"Yet at least, they must be Disciples tirst, before Bap-
tized, that is, as Mr. Williams and Mr. Blackw^ood and
others of their mind expound it. Scholars of Christ. And
if his Scholars, then of his School, the Church j then of the
Church before Baptism."
Henry Niccols, in The Shield Single against the Szvord
Doubledy 1653, has already been quoted. Through him we
know Williams had disciples in England. Robert Baillie,
in 1655, came out with a defensive pamphlet, T/ie Dissua-
sive vindicated froni the exceptions of Mr. Cotton and Mr.
Tombs (Jan. 4, 1655, E-234. ) Baillie was no man to
mince words whether he attacked a man's character or his
ideas, and in so far his pamphlet is valuable as an index to
the character of Roger Williams. Baillie w^as deadly set
against the principles held by Williams, which he con-
'■'In paper rcnJ before Modern Language Asso., Dec, 1930.
52 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
demned in no uncertain terms. Yet Baillie has much good
to say about the character of the man Mr. Williams. Fur-
thermore Baillie gives, I feel, a true character reading of
Reverend John Cotton, the politician. Baillie refers to his
conversations with Williams in 1 643 and 1 644, which he
verified when Williams returned to England in 1652.
Consequently Baillie's reference to Williams as "seeking"
refers to both 1 643 and 1652:
"Mr. Cotton's scarce straight dealing with Mistress
Hutchinson."
"In New England above 20,000 kept out of the
churches .... Many more than half of Christians in New
England are out of all churches."
Cotton the inspirer of Antinomianism "still maintains
against all the divines of New-England, a complete union
of the soul with Christ, without and before all acts of
Faith." Cotton held that free Grace came through Faith.
"What I brought from M. Williams was only to clear
and make probable the matter of that Question of M.
Edward concering Goodwin, other ways the words them-
selves were clear enough, either of Mr. Cotton or of his
eminent friends in New England. I know well the extreme
mistakes of Williams in the fundamentals of church ordi-
nances: for all that, I would be loath in any point of fact
to call his testimony in question, without a great cause, as
here I know none. . . .
"Mr. Cotton's carriage in the condemnation of Wheel-
wright not fair," according to Winthrop's report of the
Antinomian controversy.
"My crediting of Mr. Williams' testimony was not rash.
"However for my credulity of Mr. Williams' reports,
there was first my conception of the man's great sincerity
though in a very erroneous way, and of his disposition
(which without fault as I conceive, might well have been
called his humor ) even his great averseness from reporting
known lies in a matter of fact, of any living man. Secondly,
I was the more made to trust his report in this particular
ROGER WILLIAMS AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION 53
because his circumstantiating of it to me with so many
lively particulars of the persons who had imployed him
towards the savages, to buy for them a proportion of land
for that new colony's habitation under Mr. Cotton's min-
istry, of the bargain he intended for them near Providence
his own dwelling, of the means how that bargain miscar-
ried, these and divers other circumstances made me think
the man not likely to be totally mistaken in that his report.
Certainly Mr. Williams after his banishment, especially
about the time of Mrs Hutchinson's censure, was not so
great a stranger to the transactions of Boston, as Master
Cotton would have him. That a commission was given him
for buying of land by some, and some eminent persons who
gave it out that Mr. Cotton was to accompany them to that
purchase as their minister, I have still so much credulity as
to believe that Mr. Williams in this did not countenance
any lye, how little hand soever Mr. Cotton might have
had in that business.
"I took it for a shrewd reflection on Mr. Cotton that
Mr. Winthrop and M. Wells had testified in print how all
his flock, a very few excepted, had been infected with Mis-
tress Hutchinson's errors."
"Mr. Cotton resolved to have parted from Boston with
a party of Mrs. Hutchinson's late followers .... Mr. Cot-
ton grants his purpose to have indeed departed about that
time from Boston and from the Bay."
"My third testimony was from Mr. Williams, as one of
the English Independents (though he has gone far beyond
them in his new seeking) in a point which seems not to go
one hair's breadth from the foundation of Independency.
Williams does not deny more than Mr. Cotton: that thou-
sands of persons in national churches are to be counted
saints: only he says that every national church is of a
vitious constitution, and that the body of people in national
churches are irregenerate. In this Mr. Cotton will be found
also forward as Williams.
About the lack of Indian missionary work in New Kno:-
54 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
land in 1643, reported by Williams, Baillie says: "the only
thing which Mr. Cotton brings here to the purpose in
hand, is the labors of Mr, Eliot of Roxburiej but that does
not meet my exceptions j for Mr. Eliot's first attempt was
one whole year after my admonition was printed ... of
Mr. Eliot's success with the poor pagans, I heartily rejoice
in."
Baillie here refers to Williams' pamphlets Christ ent'ing
make not Christians, 1645, and The Hireling Ministry
None of Christ^s, 1652. "Certainly Mr. Williams in his
last piece catches it (Revelation, 15:8) greedily, and makes
it one of his main grounds to hinder all considerable
endeavors for bringing into the church of Christ and Tem-
ple, either Jews or Gentiles, or ignorant Christians, till that
Smoke Mr. Cotton points at be vanished, and after the
Antichrist's fall and the Jews resurrection, Mr. Williams
Apostolique times be returned. I have oft pitied that poor
man's spirit, and have thought him fitted with many good
endowments for eminent service to Christ, had not evil
principles put him out of the right way: but as long ago his
errors were many and terrible, some consequential to his
first Brownism, others to his next Anabaptism, and others
to his present woful seeking; so his diversions from
improving of his talent among the Americans, I conceive
it in a great part to have issued from his grounds of Inde-
pendency, and some other misconceits on the Revelation."
Not a bad testimony to receive from a political and
religious enemy. Two more pamphlets deserve mention
here. Thomas Gataker, His Vindication (June 6, 1653,
E-699 ) made an indirect reference to Williams and his
fellow-colonists:
"And sure it is that his Presbyterian Government backed
by the civil magistrates among ours in New England, hath
rid that Plantation of many Monsters that would have
been nesting and rousting among them, and kept them
from such prevailing distrubances as our Churches and
Ministry are over-much pestered with."
ro(;i:r Williams and thk exclish revolution- 55
The Libertine SchooPd by Claudius Gilbert (Limerick
Ireland, Aug. 1657. E-923 ) has this to say about Rhode
Island:
"A short portraicture may be seen of it in Whimses
Island ( vulgo Road Island near N. England, the Recep-
tacle of Notionists ) where confusion and profaneness seem
to triumph over all order and piety, to say nothing of these
distempered notions.""'
In 1671 Roger Williams wrote to Rev. John Cotton
Jr., at Plymouth, in reply to an angry letter from Mr.
Cotton in defense of his honored father, " 'Tis true my
first book The Btoudy Tenant was burnt bv the Presby-
terian party (then prevailing)." (Letter of Roger Wil-
liams, N. C. P., \o\. VI, 1671. ) In the Bloody Tenent Yet
More Bloody, published eight years after the public burn-
nig by the hangman of its predecessor, Williams remarked
that "some persons of no considerable note nor intelli-
gence, have b\- letters from England, informed the dis-
cusser, that these Images of Clouts it hath pleased God to
make use of to stop no small leaks of persecution that
lately hath begun to flow in upon dissenting consciences,
and (among others) to Master Cotton's own, and to the
peace and quietness of the Independents, which they have
so long, and so wonderfully enjoyed." Such then were the
personal convictions of Williams about the importance of
his Bloiidy Tenent; that it was a modest opinion this dis-
cussion has, I hope, made quite clear.
The Commonwealth Pamphlets in the Thomasin Col-
lection of the British Museum furnish us wnth a number
of interesting data about Roger Williams in connection
with the English Civil War, 1643 to 1649. About sixty
pamphlets from this collection covering the period from
1643 to 1649, contain references to Williams and his
^''It may be interesting to observe that the name Rhode Island was
not applied to the colony until 1663, and that in 1657 the name was
only applied to the island. [Editor]
56 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
pamphlets in relation to the sectarian and Leveller prin-
ciples. More than twice that number contribute to the
spread of his ideas and principles either by referring to
those principles or by paraphrasing or quoting verbatim
from his pamphlets without giving the source of their
material. From these pamphlets it becomes clear that Wil-
liams was closely associated during his visits to England in
1643-44 and 1652-54, with the leading men among the
sectarians and Independents, and was personally acquainted
with the leading Presbyterians in the Assembly of Divines
and in Parliament. His pamphlets, principles and charm-
ing address were as well known to the Presbyterians as to
the Independents and Sectarians. Those in England who
denounced his religious and civil doctrines most vigorously
found Williams so "lovely in his carriage" with such
"great sincerity" and winsome conversation that they held
him in high esteem personally, and even defended his
character against the sinister motives of the New England
clergy. In spite of the concerted efforts of the Reverends
John Eliot, John Cotton, William Shepard and their
Christian brethren in the Bay to discredit the early mis-
sionary work of Roger Williams and exalt that of John
Eliot carried on by the aid of the militia, the leading
Presbyterians and Independents continued to believe Wil-
liams the one outstanding preacher to the Indians and
Indian authority. The leading men in England suspected
the motives that prompted the "Sun-shine" pamphlets on
Indian missions whenever they implied an attack on the
integrity of Williams. From the appearance of The
Arraignment of Mr. Persecution, 1645, by Richard Over-
ton, Newgate prison, to the Free Disputation, 1649, by
Rev. Samuel Rutherford of Scotland, the Bloudy Tenent
was given a prime place among the Sectarian and Leveller
pamphlets. Edwards, Paget, Baillie, Baxter, Saltmarsh,
and Niccols, each maintained that Williams was the
founder of the English Seekers. Richard Overton, Prynne,
Edwards, Baillie, Paget, Gillespie, Rutherford, John Cot-
ROGER WILLIAMS AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION 57
ton and others considered The Bloudy Tenent among the
first and foremost exponents of full liberty of conscience,
people's sovereignty, separation of church and state, and
natural rights of man. By 1647, The Bloudy Tenent has,
independently of Roger Williams, become the textbook of
the Sectarians and Levellers in their struggle for political
rights and liberties. The principles contained in Lilburne's
"The Case of the Army," and those expressed in "The
Heads of Proposals" and "The Agreement of the People"
in 1647, had already been stated by Williams in the
Bloudy Tenent of 1 644 and had been actually incorpo-
rated in a democratic federal Commonwealth with a writ-
ten social compact organized by consent of the people and
granting indi\'idual rights, limiting the functions of the
civil government with full liberty of conscience and wor-
ship and freedom of press, speech, disputes, debates and
assemblage — all these ideals and principles of the Leveller
visionaries in England had already become a reality in
May, 1647, in Providence Plantations in the American
wilderness. It has yet to be disproved that the Providence
Plantations was not the model for the "Agreement of the
People" on December 14, 1647, prepared by the close
friends of Roger Williains. Fifteen separate pamphlets
signed by about 800 English clergymen of the Presby-
terian establishments in England and published in 1648,
denounced the religious and political principles of Wil-
liams contained in Master Cotton^s Letter Examined^
Queries of Highest Consideration, and The Bloudy Ten-
ent of Persecution for Cause of Conscience. And finally,
there was a distinct change in the attitude, treatment and
phraseology of the Sectarian and Independent pamphlets
in the beginning of 1644, about four or five months after
the arrival of W^illiams in London.
The question of whether Roger Williams sowed the '!
seeds of the revolution of 1 648 is not so easily answered.
The work of the other pamphleteers like Prynne, John
Goodwin, the Burton brothers, the Overton brothers, Lil-
^O RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
burne and others can not be discounted. The Levellers of
1 647-48 were said to have had a sword in one hand and a
Lilburne pamphlet in the other. Lilburne changed his doc-
trine of the sovereignty of Parliament to people's sov-
ereignty after 1643; through whose influence did that
change comer May it not be that, after all, Roger Wil-
liams was the apostle of the Revolution of 1648, by his
associations in England, and more especially by the influ-
ence of T/7e Bloudy Tenent?
Notes
The Slater Collection
At the October meeting of the Society, Mr. A. B. Slater
formally presented the Slater Collection of Providence
Stamps to the Society. The collection is not only a collec-
tion of the stamps issued by the Providence postmaster in
1846 and 1847, together with specimens of restrikes, fac-
similes and counterfeits, but is also a collection of pictures
and data which throw light upon the history of the Prov-
idence stamps. These historical notes are so extensive,
exhaustive and detailed that the collection has become
of great historical interest in addition to its philatelic
importance.
Mr. Slater has made the results of his years of study
and experience available to others by the publication of his
brochure The Stamfs of the Providence R. I. Postmaster
1 846-1 S 47 y a profusely illustrated, concise and conven-
iently arranged compilation of 1 04 pages which contains in
printed form the data which comprises the collection. This
brochure might well serve as a model for historical mono-
graphs along lines not necessarily in any way connected
with philately.
CAMLET WORN BV RICHARD SMITH, JR. OF COCUMCUSSOC, R. 1.,
WHO DIED IN 1692
/// the Society''s Museum.
60 rhode island historical society
Roger Williams' Father
Capt. G. A. Moriarty, Jr., contributes the following note
from the Inquisitions Post Mortem, 3 Oct., ZG Eliza.
(1595):
"Thomas Castell owns one messauge now in the tenor of
James Williams in Long Lane in St. Sepulchres without
Newgate, London." It will be remembered at a later date
James Williams resided in a house on Cow Lane in St.
Sepulchres without Newgate.^
Jemima Wilkinson
The Society has just obtained a copy of a hitherto
unlisted early American imprint entitled Some Considera-
tions Propounded to the several Sorts and Sects of Pro-
fessors of this age, by a Universal Friend to all Mankind.
It is an anonymous pamphlet of 94 pages dated August,
1 779, and "Printed in the year MDCCLXXIX." It is one
of the two books' ascribed to Jemima Wilkinson and was
issued in a limited edition of only one hundred copies.
This particular copy was handed down in the family of the
sister of Miss Lucy Nichols of Warwick, the lady who
financed the publication of the book. The book is of great
interest as it throws light on the famous eighteenth century
Rhode Island evangelist. From a comparison of this book
with other contemporary works of Bennett Wheeler, it
seems highly probable that Some Considerations ....
was printed by him at Providence.
References to Jemima Wilkinson
1. History oj Je??iimd Wilkinson^ by David Hudson. Geneva, N. Y.,
1821.
iR. I. H. S. C. XVI, 79.
"The other book is The Universal FriemPs AJz'ice, Philadelphia,
MDCCLXXXIV. It is reprinted in Cleveland's History oj Yates County y
N. Y., which also contains a portrait and biography of Jemima
Wilkinson.
NOTES 61
2. The same. Printed anonymously at Bath, N. Y., 1844. 28S pages
and portrait frontispiece.
3. Biografh^ Jemima Wilki?isoji. In Omnium Gatherum, Januarv,
I 8 10, 'vol. 1, No. 3, pp. 97-101.
4. A Narrative of Thomas Hathazvay and His Family . . . c^vV//
Incidents in the Life of Jemima Wilkinson. By Mrs. William
Hathaway, Jr., New Bedford, 1869. 43 p.
5. A Woman Fakir of Long Ago. In Providence Sunday Journal for
October 22, 1905, p. 29.
6. Some Account of Jemima Wilkinson, a Celebrated Religious
Imposter. In Providence Press, June 3, 1874.
7. Jefnima Wilkinson, the Universal Friend. By Rev. John Quincy
Adams. In Journal of American History for April, Mav and
June, 1915. This contains an additional list of references to her.
8. Jerusalem the Golden. Bv Robert Porter St. [ohn. N. Y., 1926.
3 1 6 p.
9. Brief articles in the Providence Patriot for Julv 17, |ulv 21 and
September 18, 1819.
10. Book Notes (Providence, R. I.), vol. 33, pages 97-101 and 105.
11. Providence Journal, June 4, 1916.
12. Carey's M us. 1, 150.
13. Taits Mag., N. S. 12, 454 and Ed. Mag., 5, 546.
14. Lend a Hand, 10, 126.
The Charter and Regulations of the Artillery Coinpanx
in the Town and County of Bristol in the State of Rhode
Island, a leaflet of 1 9 pages, which was printed at Warren
by Nathaniel Phillips in 1 794, was presented to the Soci-
ety, together with a large number of old Bristol news-
papers and documents of historical interest, by the Rev.
Anthony R. Parshley of Bristol.
The following lectures were held during the fall:
October 1 4, Providence Stamps by Mr. A. B. Slater.
November 18, Heraldry in America by Harold Bow-
ditch, M.D., of Boston.
December 1 6, Early Rhode Island Silversmiths by Mr.
William Davis Miller.
62 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The following persons have been elected to membership
in the Society:
Mrs. Marion P. Carter Mrs. William H. Poole
Mr. Henry S. Chafee Mr, Robert S. Preston
Mrs. Lawrence B. Fogarty Lt. Col. John B. Richards
Mrs. Dana Lawrence Mrs. Walter F. Seymour
Mrs. Louis C. Newman Mr. Frederick B. W^iener
Mr. Roger Hale Newton Mrs. C. Howard Wood
New Books of Rhode Island Interest
Nailer Toin^s Diary ^ otherwise The Journal of Thomas
B. Hazard of Kingstown, Rhode Island, 1778 to 184-0,
with an introduction by Caroline Hazard, is a quarto of
over 800 pages.
Nelson W . Aldr'tchy A Leader in American Politics, is
a volume of 496 pages by Nathaniel Wright Stephenson.
The StaiJips of the Providence, R. /., Postjnaster, 1846-
lS47y by A. B. Slater is mentioned elsewhere in this issue
of the Collections.
Emblems of Rhode Islandy being illustrations of the
seals, arms and flags of Rhode Island with historical notes
by Howard M. Chapin and an introduction by Norman
M. Isham. This volume of 77 pages containing 96 illus-
trations was published by the Rhode Island Historical
Society in a limited edition of 300 copies.
The Battle of Rhodi^e I si and , arranged from the work
entitled, "Our French Allies," written by Edwin Martin
Stone, is a pamphlet of 12 pages printed at Tiverton for
the Portsmouth Free Public Library.
The Diary of Frederick Mackenzie, 1775-1781, which
has recently been published in two volumes, contains an
account of Lieutenant Mackenzie's stay in Rhode Island
KING PHILIP S BEAD HKI.T
The history of this belt is printed on page six of the Museum llluitrathig the
History of the State, which is as published in 1916 by the Rhode Island Historical
Society.
/// the Sorietv's Museum.
64 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
covering the period from June 2, 1777, to December 31,
1778, and comprising over three hundred printed pages of
contemporary notes dealing with the American Revolution.
The Nezv England Historical and Genealogical Register
for October, 1930, contains an article on the parentage of
Susanna Wright, the wife of Richard Pearce of Ports-
mouth, R. I.
There is an article on Robert Feke of Newport, the por-
trait painter, together with a checklist of his works in the
October, 1930, issue of Antiquarian.
Miss C. Louise Avery's Early American Silver contains
22 pages on Rhode Island silversmiths and their work,
together with several illustrations.
Frederick Cohbe Pitman and His Family ^ by Harry
Anderson Pitman, is a volume of 67 pages privately
printed in London in 1930. Captain Pitman was a British
officer who came to Newport, R. L, in the eighteenth cen-
tury and was married to Lydia Strengthheld of Newport
in 1765.
The Eddy Family in America y compiled by Ruth Story
Devereux Eddy, and printed in Boston in 1930, is a vol-
ume of 1372 pages containing much genealogical data of
local interest.
The Calendar of State Papers for 1716 and 1717, which
has just been issued by the British government, contains
several references to the controversy over the appointment
of the Governor of Massachusetts as Commander in Chief
of the militia of Rhode Island.
Early American Furniture Makers , by T. H. Ormsbee,
contains some account of John Goddard and other Rhode
Island furniture makers.
Roger Williams Press
fT
E. A. Johnson Co.
PROVIDENCE
Rhode Island
Historical SociExSrly^
Collections f}^
Vol. XXIV
APRIL, 1931
No. 2
•I'lIK Sllll' CORl.A OK PK()\ll)K\CK, U. JACKSON, COMMANDKR
OFF EI.SINORK, DKNMARK, IN 1839
Fro)>! a pd'nili)!^ hy 6". Cli'iiscu in the Riihard W . Ciniistnck, Jr.,
M,i/;n/i,!l CoUi-ilidii in the Socifty's MiisfUDi.
AnotluT picture of the dir^-.i, in which the ship's natm- is spelled Koren, was
printed in the RhoJr L<L:nJ lliit.nual Society Collections XVI, op. p. 37.
Issued Quarterly
68 Watkrmw SiRKi.i, Providknck, RnonF. T?i.A\n
CONTENTS
Page
c>^
Sxhip Corea ....... Cover
President's Annual Address
by Addison P. Munroc . . . . 65
The Walter Newbury Shipping Book
b\- Bruce M. Bigelow .... 73
First Settlers in East Pr(j\'idence
b\- \V. PeRo\- Wood .... 92
The Esther Willett Thimble .... 97
New Publications . . . . . . 97
Notes 99
Report cjf Membership Committee
by Henry C. Dexter . . . . 100
Treasurer's Report
bv Gilbert A. Harrin^iton . . . . 101
RHODE i(f^iJ^^ ISLAND
HISTORICAL IlLsJfel SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
VOL. XXIV April, 1931 No. 2
Addison P. Munroe, President Gh.bkri .\. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
President's Annual Address
To the uienihers of //;<? Rhode Island Historical Society:
The President's annual address takes a different form
this year from addresses heretofore delivered.
The present Executive believes that his annual mes-
sage, instead of being an historical address, should take
the form of an annual report of the work and activities of
the Society, to the end that the members may be made
more familiar with the work that the officers and the niem-
bers of the Executive Committee are endeavoring to
accomplish. In other words, a report of the President to
the stockholders of the corporation — the members of the
Society being so regarded.
Charter of the Organ izati
ON
First, a few words as to the Society itself. The Rhode
Island Historical Society was chartered at the June session
of the General Assembly, 1822, and is now entering upon
66 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
the 109th year of its existence. The Society was chartered,
to quote from the Act of Incorporation, "For the purpose
of procuring and preserving whatever relates to the topo-
graphy, antiquities, and natural, civil and ecclesiastical
history of the State."
Since its organization it has had fifteen presidents, as
follows: James Fenner, John Rowland, Albert Gorton
Greene, Samuel Greene Arnold, Zachariah Allen, William
Gammell, Horatio Rogers, John Henry Stiness, George
Taylor Paine, Albert Harkness, Wilfred Harold Munro,
Howard W. Preston, G, Alder Blumer, Claude R. Branch,
and the present incumbent.
The State of Rhode Island is exceedingly wealthy in
historic material and the Rhode Island Historical Society
itself may well be considered as being an important part
thereof.
While enjoying a long life of constructive usefulness,
naturally, in accordance with its purpose, dealing with the
lives and deeds of those who have gone before, neverthe-
less it is in no sense a dead organization, but, on the con-
trary, is a live twentieth century society catering to the
needs of the present life and present conditions.
Financial Condition
While there has never been a time in the long life of
the Society when it could not have used more funds advan-
tageously, nevertheless our financial condition at the pres-
ent time, as far as operating expenses are concerned, is
very satisfactory, as has been shown by the report of the
Treasurer. The income from the invested funds and from
the annual membership dues, is carefully budgeted each
year and the budget strictly adhered to. The large
increase in membership during the past year has materially
increased the annual income. The Society has also been
fortunate the past year in having been bequeathed the
sum of $4,000 by the late Miss Emily J. Anthony,
president's annum, address 67
although the bequest has not yet been paid in to the
Society's treasury.
Gifts
Numerous gifts have been received during the past year,
among them being the valuable collection of Providence
stamps presented by Mr. A. B. Slater, and two oil paint-
ings by Mr. Henry D. Sharpe,
Membership
It is extremely gratifying to state that our membership
shows a greater increase during 1930 than in any previ-
ous year, as shown by the report of the Membership Com-
mittee, and that the total membership as of December 31,
1930, is the largest ever reported at an annual meeting,
as shown by the report of the Secretary. The Member-
ship Committee has functioned admirably, and I am sure
I am expressing the sentiments of the Society when I
extend its members our sincere thanks for their efficient
work. I trust the growth in membership will continue
during the coming year.
Library
The report of our efficient Librarian and of the Library
Committee shows that department of our organization to
be in excellent condition. A recognized authority on library
conditions recently stated in a published article that "The
library of the Rhode Island Historical Society is the most
complete for its subject of all the State Historical libraries
in America. That is, it has more nearly all the books,
pamphlets, and other historical material relating to its
State than has any similar institution."
Our genealogical library is not growing as rapidly as it
should, and a special fund for the purchase of genealogical
books would solve this problem.
f
68 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Lectures
We have been very fortunate in securing able speakers
for our 1930 courses of lectures, all of which have been
most interesting and well attended. All of our lecturers
have volunteered their services and the members of our
Society have indeed been fortunate to have had the privi-
lege of enjoying these instructive talks. The matter of
lectures has been more fully covered in the report of the
Lecture Committee.
Publications
The matter of our publications has been reported on by
the Publication Committee, and does not require any fur-
ther extended comment, except to say that they have been
kept up to the high standard of previous years, and that
they are in keeping with the dignity of the Society. The
quarterly "Collections" in particular have been of out-
standing merit.
Grounds and Buildings
Thanks to the efficient Committee on Grounds and
Buildings our property is in excellent condition and has
required but little outlay for upkeep and repairs.
Ne
ECROLOGY
The report of the Necrology Committee shows that we
have lost a number of our valued members during the past
year, some of whom have been members of many years
standing. Included in this list is the first Vice-President
of the Society, Hon. Charles Dean Kimball, a faithful and
efficient officer, whose passing is a great loss to the Society.
A committee representing the Society was appointed to
attend the funeral and at the Executive Committee meet-
ing following, appropriate resolutions were adopted and
a copy of the same forwarded to his family.
president's annual address 69
Finance and Audit Committees
The efficient work of these important committees is
covered by the report of the Treasurer.
Special Committees
The Committee on Marking Hisroric Sites has not been
particularly active during the past year, owing, in part, to
the illness and death of Chairman Kimball. Recommenda-
tion is made that a meeting of this important committee be
held in the near future at which a Chairman should be
elected. The State of Rhode Island, that assists the work
of this committee by an appropriation, as well as this
Society and the community at large, looks to this committee
for the appropriate marking of the many important his-
toric sites within the boundaries of the State, and more
activity should prevail. It is not sufficient to discuss things
that ought to be done; the business motto "Do it now"
should be followed.
Following the instructions of the Society, your Presi-
dent appointed, last spring, a Committee on the Celebra-
tion of the 300th Anniversary of the Founding of Provi-
dence, which has taken the name of the Providence Ter-
centenary Committee. The work accomplished to date
by the Committee has been very satisfactory, and has been
covered by the report of the Recording Secretary, Mr.
John W. Haley.
Believing that an organization functions better when
individuals composing that organization are in closer touch
with each other, your President, immediately after the last
annual meeting, appointed a Hospitality Committee to
serve during the year 1 930. This action was in accord with
the trend of live modern organizations, and has resulted
satisfactorily. At the close of each lecture this Committee
serves light refreshments, and gives opportunity to the
members for closer social contact and to meet the speaker.
70 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Formerly, after the close of a lecture, the building
would be vacated inside of five minutes, where now the
members spend an hour in social intercourse to the mutual
benefit of all concerned. Much credit is due to the Hos-
pitality Committee of 1930, for its efficient work. This
plan will be continued during the coming year.
Official Representation
Your President has had the honor of representing the
Society at several official functions, and at meetings and
dinners of other organizations. He has accepted all such
invitations unless previous engagements have prevented.
The Society's Building
In connection with the 250th Anniversary of the Found-
ing of the City of Providence, a book was published en-
titled "The Providence Plantations for 250 Years," by
Welcome Arnold Greene.
Writing of the Rhode Island Historical Society and its
building, Mr. Greene said:
"The capacity of the building is insufficient for the
proper display of these objects of interest . . . The
contents of the building may be described as con-
sisting of : ( 1 ) a library of 16,000 bound volumes,
40,000 pamphlets, files of newspapers, and individual
manuscripts j (2) a cabinet comprising, not merely
curiosities, but articles that illustrate the domestic,
social, commercial, and military life of an age unlike
our own j ( 3 ) portraits of the prominent men in the
colonial and early history of Rhode Island, together
with other historic pictures."
Notwithstanding the fact that additions to the building
have been made since the writing of the above, in 1886,
prksidknt's annual address 71
the building is even more crowded now than it was at that
time. In fact, it is so crowded that many of the priceless
possessions of the Society cannot even be displayed.
We have at the present time, over 100,000 books and
pamphlets, besides over 200,000 manuscripts, while news-
paper files have increased by the accumulation of 50 years.
If we are to continue to grow, function properly, and
serve the citizens of Providence, it is imperative that we
have more room in the very near future.
Much time and thought has already been given to the
matter, and at the present time, it seems as though one
of two solutions will eventually have to be adopted.
1. Acquire an entirely new site and erect a modern
building thereon, selling the present land and building,
and using the proceeds thereof toward the cost of the new
building.
2. Build an addition on the front of the present build-
ing, covering, as far as possible, all of the landj the addi-
tion to be of fireproof construction with waterproof
basement.
The Executive Committee has considered the matter and
has appointed a committee to investigate the possibilities
of the first plan. Although the committee so appointed has
spent considerable time on the matter, very little progress
has been made, and it is doubtful if the proper location
can be secured at a cost that would be deemed at all
reasonable.
The second plan has also been considered. In order to
erect an addition that would be large enough to serve the
purposes of the Society, permission would have to be
secured from the Zoning Board to build upon more land
than is allowed to be covered in a residential district. Inas-
much, however, as our Society is a semi-public institution,
and the building is open to the public each day of the week,
it is believed that the necessary permission would be
granted.
I
72 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
While a number of our members think that an entirely
new building, modern in every respect, should be acquired,
an equally large number express reluctance to leave the
building that has been the home of the Society for so many
years, and support the second plan, which would entail
but a small cost compared to the cost of the first plan.
The whole matter is receiving the consideration of the
officers and members of the Executive Committee, and, I
have no doubt, the proper solution will finally be found.
Officers and Committees
I want to express my appreciation of the manner in
which the officers and committees have functioned during
the past year. The attendance at committee meetings has
been noteworthy, frequently being 100 per cent.
We are fortunate in having officers and committee mem-
bers who realize that they are not elected for the honor,
but for the purpose of real service to the Society.
Members also have duties, other than paying their
annual dues. They owe it to the speakers, to the Lecture
Committee, and to the Society, to support the lectures by
their attendance, and thus give their moral as well as their
financial support.
Conclusion
In presenting this brief resume of the activities of the
Society for the past year, your President trusts that the
membership has a better idea of what the Society is accom-
plishing. History need not necessarily be a dry matter,
and when presented properly, is not. Our Society, in the
second century of its existence, should, and I believe has,
reached the age of mature and sound judgment; if it has
not, it never will.
Although it is proper for us to look back upon the past
work of the Society with pride, nevertheless, it is the
THK WALTER NEWBURY SHIPPING BOOK 73
future we are facing, and I am confident that with the
continued co-operation and support of our members, we
will continue to function as well or better in the future
as we have in the past.
Addison P. Munroe,
President.
Providence, Rhode Island,
January 13, 1931.
The Walter Newbury Shipping Book
By Bruce M. Bigelow
Documents on seventeenth century American commerce
are rare historical nuggets. Only occasionally does the
historian find one of these precious records which describes
the nature of our early trade — a commerce which led
to the Golden Age of Newport, and the industrial era of
Providence.
We have known that Narragansett Bay was a part of
the seventeenth century commercial world. Indeed, even
before Roger Williams had founded the town of Provi-
dence, the ubiquitous Dutchman, who tried all ports, had
there bartered his knives, trinkets, tools, and firearms for
the Indian furs, hides, and produce, and had even estab-
lished a trading post there for the Dutch West Indian
Company.^
^Broadhead, History of Necc York, I, Mil, 268. Cited by Arnold,
History of Rhode Island, I, 15 5. There is an island in Narragansett Bay
still called Dutch Island.
74 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
We have also known that the early colonists who settled
Newport and Providence were prompt to continue this
intercourse with the Dutchmen of Manhattan. Further-
more, we are aware that besides this coastwise commerce
between Newfoundland on the north, and Manhattan on
the south, these early Rhode Island merchant adventurers
soon looked for a market in the Caribbean. In this early
period of the seventeenth century there was some small
commerce with Barbados, but exactly how much there was
may never be known. Among the meagre evidence is a
report to the Board of Trade made by Governor Peleg
Sanford in 1680, forty-four years after the founding of
the colony.' Sanford wrote that "we have nine towns or
divisions within our Colloney." As to the commercial pos-
sibilities the answer was, "wee have several good Harbors
... of very good depth and soundings, navigable for any
shippings." He reported further in reference to trade, "the
principall matters that are exported amongst us, is Horses
and provisions and the goods chiefly imported is a small
quantity of Barbadoes goods for supply of our familyes."
The extreme meagreness of the actual commerce of the
period is indicated in this same document when the gov-
ernor announced, "wee have severall men that deale in
buying and sellinge although they cannot properly be
called merchants, and for the Planters wee conceave there
are about five hundred and about five hundred men
besides." Again he stated, "That as for merchants wee have
none, but the most of our Colloney live comfortably by
improvinge the wildernesse . . . that we have no ship-
pinge belonginge to our Colloney but only a few sloopes."
This report of the governor in 1680 is somewhat unsat-
isfactory, but it does at least indicate the extent of early
Rhode Island commerce. It should have restrained the
-Arnold, History of Rhode Island, I, 488-491. From the original in
the British State Paper Office, New England Papers. B. T., Vol. Ill, 121.
THE WALTER NEWBURY SHIPPING BOOK 75
popular historians who would have us believe that an active
port of Providence existed in the seventeenth century. Too
frequently the Sanford report was forgotten. Neverthe-
less, although this evidence relating to the extent of Rhode
Island commerce was extant, there was nothing available
for many years to tell us about the nature of this early
trade.
Then came the Peleg Sanford Letter Book, found in
the Massachusetts Archives, and published by the Rhode
Island Historical Society in 1928. This priceless docu-
ment shows the business practices of Peleg Sanford between
1666 and 1669. To supplement this account, the Society
now prints an abstract of the Walter Newbury Shipping
Book which was located by the writer in the Newport
Historical Society Library. This unusual document indi-
cates the actual export trade of Walter Newbury between
1673 and 1689.
Walter Newbury was born in 1648, and died in 1697.^
He is first heard of in Newport in 1673 when he shipped
goods to Barbados. In the following year the Friends'
records identified him as a "London merchant, residing in
Newport," and show that he purchased a house from Wil-
liam Richardson, mariner and owner of the Ketch IVLay-
fiower. In 1675 he was listed as a Freeman, in 1684 as a
Deputy, and from 1686 to 1696 as an Assistant.* In 1675,
he married a former London resident, Ann Collins, and
had eight children by the union. Newbury was apparently a
very active Quaker. The famous itinerant Friend, William
^Austin, Genealogical Dictionary of Rhode Island^ p. 137. See also
Turner, Gcneological Manuscript, p. I 5 1, in Newport Historical Society.
A note on Newburv's death and estate is in Rhode Island Colonial Records,
111,440.
^Rhode Island Colonial Record, III, 186, 220, 312.
76 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Edmundson/' in the journal of his own life described visits
to the West Indies, a passage to Rhode Island in a "Yatch
that Joseph Bryer, a Friend was master of," and his stay
during an illness at the home of Walter Newbury.
The Newbury document is a shipping book of a stand-
ard type. For the convenience of merchants English
printers sold bills of lading bound together in book form.
The bills were printed forms with spaces into which the
name of the shipper, the vessel, the master, and the con-
signee would be written. The cargo, of course, was also
included along with the freight rate, and then too the
date. The master's signature appeared at the bottom of
each bill.*^
It is interesting that the first bill of lading was not made
out in Newbury's name. Hope Borden made the first
shipment, and the cargo, consisting of horses and provi-
sions, was consigned to Joseph Borden. The bill was dated
November 18, 1673. In this case shipper and consignee
were husband and wife. Joseph Borden had moved from
Portsmouth to Barbados j his wife Hope remained in New-
port with her mother until the Borden's third child was
born.' The second bill of lading, dated December 30, 1673,
reveals Walter Newbury as the shipper and Joseph Borden
as the receiver. The story is clear enough. Joseph Borden
had probably carried on a previous correspondence with
Barbados. After his departure to the West Indies his wife
'''A Journal of the Life Travels, Sujferings and Labour of Loz'e in the
Work of the Ministry of that Worthy Elder and Faithful Servant of Jesus
Christ, William Edmundson, pp. 71-82. (London, 1712.)
*'The signatures indicate how unimportant spelling was considered by
colonists of the seventeenth century. Even the name of the shipper,
Newbury, appears as Newberry and Newbery. A very interesting signature
in this book is that of Sam Cranston. This is the only actual record that
seems to exist which proves that he was the master of a vessel. Many stories
of his ventures, however, have survived.
^Austin, Genealogical Dictionary, p. 24.
THE WALTER NEWBURY SHIPPING BOOK
77
rJl^r-fi^^MT^
SHifpeimi9oJtrder,andwtSe(m*itsortCii \j ^
in and upon tin Sbtp salltU tbt 1
whtrff it Metjlerfpr this frtj*»fy^}fZK^/i>t/^
gird luw ridmi «t anclx/r m tU A^ y^-^Y^^^
ft#>«X ^!>^K'd and numbred at in the marg,r.t, Andarrtf be dtlmrtd in the lik focd or^er On^ ■ i
VnHc^Mjitftnedatthc tiforcjAid Purl i,f ^^^^t/JgVfiCe'^t^ 7. — - ~ X"^
(»jiK d^nj^tr eftht Sitii onely fxcefced) unto I^A/^^^ ^'^ -14^- ytf^fyx^tty^
^ — #rt« ACf" of^neiyhc<,rihcf{ajin;rfraightforthef.tUiQ3'U^i'y^^^j^
mth primaie and avaraic aseufltrnd. In wUnef, whereof, th^ Aiaticr or TurC^ oftinfaui ShJi
''t^am^hjkd, tbi ^iiJir xwo toji^nd md. - JJaudin ■ ft^^t^M^ t-^i^
w.
n^
►^•iHtelMki
A PAGE OF THE WALTER NEWBURY SHIPPING BOOK
lit Newport Historical Society Library
78 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
continued his shipments until her own departure when
Newbury, a recent arrival in Newport, took over the busi-
ness. The other bills of lading in the old Borden shipping
book all belonged to Newbury and cover the period from
December 10, 1673 to April 13, 1689.'
Newbury employed vessels not very different in type
from those used by Peleg Sanford. The majority were
sloops and ketches. It is unfortunate that the word "ship"
was printed on the form of the bills. Frequently the mer-
chant forgot to cross out this word and write in the actual
rig of the vessel. As a rule, however, the descriptive name
of the craft was given. Newbury, in 1688, employed a
brigantine, and even before this there is no doubt that ships
were actually used. In general, however, sloops, ketches,
and brigantines were most common. Like Sanford, New-
bury doubtless had an interest in several of these vessels,
perhaps owning one outright, but that is quite doubtful. As
one of the leading merchants in Newport, Newbury per-
haps had shares in several vessels of that port. There is
evidence that he was concerned in at least forty-seven voy-
ages: nineteen to Barbados, five to Jamaica, two to Nevis,
and one to Antiqua. One vessel went to London, eight to
New York, and seven to Boston; Shrowsberry, Philadel-
phia, and Burlington-on-the-Delaware are also each mem-
tioned once. Barbados was naturally the chief objective.
It is of considerable interest and some significance that as
early as 1678, Newbury tried a shipment to Jamaica, which
became the leading market a half century later.
One of the most important characteristics of this period,
which is evidenced by methods of both Sanford and New-
bury, is that cargoes were consigned to definite individuals.
^It is important to remember that the Julian Calendar was not replaced
by the Gregorian or New Style until 1752. The Julian year began on the
25th of March. February was the twelfth month and March the first
month of the year
THE WALTER NEWBURY SHIPPINC BOOK 79
Sanford used this practice most regularly. Newbury
employed it too, but occasionally took a chance on a con-
signment to the master, who was charged to dispose of it
as best he could. It was this method of shipment which
became so popular in the first half of the next century. At
first, however, this was too risky. Even a single cargo would
usually be consigned to several different men.
The Newbury shipments to the West Indies were of a
very miscellaneous nature. In the winter months, beef
and pork were the most common. Mackerel in the other
seasons was the usual fish export, although it was of less
importance than other provisions. There was not a great
amount of live stock sent by Newbury to the West Indies.
Horses w^ere shipped but only occasionally. Sheep were
carried to North Carolina, but there is no mention of such
a shipment to the Caribbean. The provisions consisted
mainly of apples, cider, peas, bread, wheat, butter, cheese,
and onions. Many other goods, however, were found
among the cargoes. Tar, staves, shingles, raw wool, candles,
and oil were quite common.
In the decade that followed, 1690-1700, the trade of
Rhode Island apparently did not differ greatly from that
of the preceding years. Antigua may have attracted more
vessels J possibly Jamaica was gaining as a market. Barba-
dos was soon to see the sun setting in the west, and her hey-
day coming to a close. For a quarter of a century more,
however, she held on, but the forces of nature were not
to be denied.
The story of this early Rhode Island- West Indian trade
has a very important place in colonial history. The sev-
enteenth century was a period of growth in Rhode Island
and the West Indies, as elsewhere in the British colonial
world. Preparation for the commercial growth which
followed had been made in the decades that preceded the
Treaty of Utrecht in 1713. Walter Newbury, Peleg San-
ford, the Cranstons, and the Wantons, along with many
80 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Others, had planted and nursed the sapHng which was to
blossom and bear the prized seed which the merchant
magnates of the later eighteenth century were to harvest.
Shipped by Hope Borden on Ship [ r ] Johanah and Sarah y
Roger Gollon, [r Goulding] master, Newport to Barba-
dos, unto Joseph Borden, Nov. 18, 1673.
"three horses, one to paye fraight, the one halfe to witt
the bay horsey the other two to pay one hundred and fifty
pounds of suger more than halfe the produce of the horse
afoursd. Chaghe [charge] hay and provindor [illegible]
three horses as afoursd; one barll aples & five hundred of
Ceder chings [shingles]".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ship [ r ] called the
Robucky John Bradford, master, Newport to Barbados,
unto Joseph Borden, Dec. 30, 1673.
"six barlls of sidor & four barlls of porke."
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ketch Portsmouth^ Joseph
Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Joseph Borden
and Richard Sanders. Dec. 30, 1673.
"seven firkins butter, seven bars of Iron, . . . forty four
boxes of pills . . ."
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ketch Portsmouth^ Joseph
Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, on account and risque
of George Coall and unto Oliver Hodin, Dec. 30, 1673.
"ten barlls of Sidr .... Eight barlls of pork, six firkins
of butter".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ship Newport, Henry
Beer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Walter New-
bury, Jan. 5, 1673/4.
"three hhds fish, two hhds bread, six f — mackrell, 3 barlls
beef, 2 Barlls porke, one barll Cranbers [cranberries], one
barll pickled Cd. [cod?]."
THE WALTER NEWBURY SHIPPING BOOK 81
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Ship [ : Ketch | Ports-
mouthy Joseph Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto
Thomas and Ralph Frothwell, Dec. 30, 1673.
"4 barlls porke .... one barll Muton, one firkin hogs
fatt . . ."
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Sloop Flyer^ Roger
Mash [Marsh], master, Barbados to Jamaica, unto
Edmond Stevenson in Jamaica, Feb. 21, 1673/4.
"four barlls of Candole [candlesr]"
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ketch Portsjnouth, Joseph
Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, on account and risque
of Joseph Grove and unto Oliver Hooton, Jan. 22, 1 675/6.
"2 Barells of Beefe & one barell of mutton".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ketch Portsmouth^ Joseph
Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, for account and risque
of Timothy Mashall [Marshall] deceased, and unto his
late wife Abigail Mashall, Jan. 22, 1675/6.
"1 Barell of Beefe & one Barell of Mutton & one Barell
of Hodgs fatt".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ketch Portsmouth^ Joseph
Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, for account and risque
of Joseph Walker and unto the same, Jan. 22, 1675/6.
"Three Barells of beefe & one Barrill of Mutton".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ketch Portsmouth^ Joseph
Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Gilbert Gillas-
pee, Jan. 22, 1675/6.
"One Barrill of Beefe & three Barills of porke".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ketch Portsmouth^ Joseph
Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Emanuell Cur-
tis, Jan. 22, 1675/6.
"One Barrill of beefe."
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ketch Portsmouth^ Joseph
82 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Joseph Borden,
Jan. 23, 1675/6.
"Three Barrills porke. Three Barrills of beefe".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ketch Poytsmouth, Joseph
Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Hester Forster,
Jan. 22, 1675/6.
"One Ban-ill of Beefe, One Barrill of Mutton, One firkin
of Hoggs fatt".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ship Orijane [ ? ] , Henry
Triggino, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Joseph Bor-
den, Dec. 8, 1676.
"Six barills & one hhd." | No merchandise named].
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Sarah, John Hodge,
master, Newport to New York unto John Robinson, Dec.
12, 1676.
"Eight Pipes Fieall [Fayal] wine & two pipes of Green
Canary".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on [No name given], John
Mash I Marsh ] , master, Newport to New York, for account
of William Richardson and Fred Phillips, Jan. 1 2, 1676/7.
[Name of Christopher Almy signed in master's place]
"fourteen hhds & 4 quarter Caske of brandy".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on [No name given] Chris-
topher Almy, master, Newport to New York, unto Fred-
rick Phillips. Jan. 24, 1676/7.
"Fower [four] Butts and Fower Spanish pipes".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on [No name given] Chris-
topher Almy, master, Newport to New York, unto Robert
Learoke, Jan. 24, 1676/7.
"one Butt [wine?]".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ketch Portsmouth, Joseph
THE WALTER NEWBURY SHIPPING BOOK 83
Brver, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Thomas Froth-
well, Feb. 7, 1676/7.
"2 Firkins of hoggs fatt".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ketch Portsmouth^ Joseph
Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Joseph Walker,
Feb. 7, 1676/7.
"Six barlls of beefe & four barlls of porke".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ketch Portsmouth^ Joseph
Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Joseph Borden,
Feb. 7, 1676/7.
"one barll of porke & one barll of beefe".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ketch Portsmouth^ Joseph
Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Hester For-
ster, Feb. 7, 1676/7.
"one barll of porke & one barl of beefe".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ketch Portsmouthy Joseph
Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Joseph Grove,
Feb. 7, 1676/7.
"two barlls of beefe & one barll of Porke".
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Ship Newport^ Henry
Beer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Joseph Walker,
July 16, 1677.
"two barlls of oyl & two firkins of butter".
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Ship Newport, Henry
Beer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Joseph Borden,
July 16, 1677.
"two barlls of tarr".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on [illegible], Chas. Borden,
master, Newport to New York, unto John Robinson, Aug.
2, 1677.
"Five baggs of woll Cont [containing] Six hundred & sev-
enty pounds of woll." . , .
84 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ketch Portsmouth^ Joseph
Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Joseph Walker,
Sept. 2, 1677.
"one hhd of Bread".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ketch Portsmouth^ Joseph
Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Abigail Cley-
pooll, Sept. 2, 1677.
"one hhd of bread & pees".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ketch Portsmouth^ Joseph
Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Hester For-
ster for account of Joseph Borden, Sept. 2, 1677.
"one hhd of bread".
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Sloop Unity, Joon Jooson
f r] Newport to New York, Sept. 20, 1677.
"Eight pipes of brandy wine wanting of being full 45^
Inches in ye wholld".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Sloop Plunter, John John-
son, master, Newport to New York, unto [illegible], Feb.
28, 1677.
"Eight barlls of Sider, one barell of muscovado Suger, one
hundred of sheeps woll, & twenty fove jills wampum".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Barque Newport , Ben-
jamin Speare, master, Newport to Jamaica, unto Mathew
Mahew, Sept. 16, 1678.
"twenty one barrell of fish & three quarters".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Barque Newport, Ben-
jamin Speare, master, Newport to Jamaica, on account and
risque of Robert Story of New York, and unto Walter
Newbury, Sept. 16, 1678.
"Thyrtty barells of flower"
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Barque Newport, Ben-
jamin Speare, master, Newport to Jamaica, on account and
THE WALTER NEWBURY SHIPPING BOOK 85
risque of Jacob Leroy, and unto Walter Newbury, Sept.
16, 1678.
"three hhds bread & pees three barlls oyle, one barll porke,
ten barlls & Six half barlls flower, one Chest of Candles".
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Barque Nezvport, Ben-
jamin Speare, master, Newport to Jamaica, unto Walter
Newbury, Sept. 16, 1678.
"thirty three Barels of Pork, thirteen Barels of oyl, twelve
Barrels of Mackrel, thirty half Barrels of Tar, fourteen
Barrels & four half Barrels of Flower, Six Barrels of Pease,
one Barel of Beef, one Barrel & four Sacks of Onions, six-
teen Firkins of Butter, ten Boxes of Candles, three Bar-
rels of Rush, five Hogsheads of Bread & Pease three Hogs-
heads of Pease, fifty six Bushels of Pease loose in ye Bread-
room & in the Hould Eleven hundred of Staves".
Shipped by Ann Newbury, on Ship [ r ] Portsfnout/7, Joseph
Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Timothy Mar-
shall, July 11, 1679.
"Fowler [four] Firkings of Buter".
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Ship [ ? ] Portsmouth,
Joseph Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Samuel!
Carpenter, Jan. 9, 1679/80.
"twelve Barells of Pork for ye Proper acctt & Risque of
Jno Lambert & Compy & foure Barlls Pork & three fir-
kins of butr on ye acct. & Risque of thomas hog & foure
Barlls Pork & three firkins of Buttr on ye acct. & Risque
of Thomas Worden".
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Ship [ : ] Portsmouth,
Joseph Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Joseph
Grove, Jan. 9, 1679/80.
"three Barells of Pork & two firkins of butter for . . .
Joseph Grove & one Barll Pork & one firkin of buttr for
. . . Hester Forster".
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Ship [ ? ] Portsmouth,
86 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Joseph Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Joseph
Borden, Jan. 9, 1679/80.
". . . . two Barlls Porke for , . . Hallalujah Fisher &
two Barlls Pork for . . . Sollamen Ettles".
Shipped by Order of John Forster on Ship [ ? ] Portsmouth^
Joseph Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados or Nevis, unto
Abraham Baruch Henig, July 30, 1680.
"Six Baggs of woole".
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on [ r ] L,yon Nathaniel
Osgood, master, Newport to Jamaica, unto George Coal!
and for account and risque of estate of Richard Hunter,
deceased.
"seventeen barlls of porke & two firkins of hogs fatt".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ship [no name given]
William Hedge, master, Newport to Boston, unto
Nathaniel Linds.
"foure hogsheads of Sugar."
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Ship Adventure^ Stephen
Cross, master, Newport to Boston, unto Edward Shippen,
Sept. 6, 1681.
"five packs of Beaver".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ship [ ? ] Portsmouthy
Joseph Bryer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Thomas
Rodman, Jan. 20, 1681/2.
"fower barrells of Porke, Six firkins of Soap, ten barrells
tar, three barrells Syder, two Chest of Candles".
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Sloop Dolphiriy Chas.
Brookes, master, Newport to New York, for account and
risque of George Coale at Port Royal, Jamaica, and unto
William Frumpton, Jan. 15, 1682/3.
"thirteen firkins of Buttur".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ketch Merchant Adven-
THE WALTER NEWBURY SHIPPIXC. BOOK 87
ture, John Bab, master, Newport to Carolina, unto Joseph
Morton, Jan. 27, 1682 3.
"twenty Six horse hind & hfty five sheep with theire Pro-
vision Customary".
Shipped b\- Walter Newbury, on Ship [r] Portsmouth ^
Joseph Bryer, master, Newport to Jamaica, for account
and risque of Walter Newbury, and unto Benjamin New-
bury. Nov. 1684.
"fifty Barlls Mackrell, fifty one whole & forty halfe Barlls
Porke, Eight whole & forty halfe Barls Beefe, twenty Barls
Syder, nine Barls beer, two hgds & nine Barls Oynions,
twelve hgds Bisket, five w^hole & 30 halfe Barlls flower,
one hundred Barlls Tar, Sixty one firkins Buttr, two Barlls
0}4e, fourteen Hogds fish, nine firkins of hogs fatt, ten
Boxes of Candles, 1540 Staves, Eight Caske of Apples,
fifty Cheeses".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Ketch Mary^ Hugh
Power, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Oliver Hooton,
Nov. 29, 1684.
"Eight whole & five halfe barlls of porke, ten barlls of
tarr, one halfe Barll of beef, one halfe barll of Aples, one
halfe barll of bread & wheat, one horse, three sheepe, a
small bag containing 1 10 peces of 8/8, 3 Cheeses, one fir-
kin of buter, 3 barlls Syder".
Shipped by Walter New^bury on Sloop Betty, Daniel
Gould, master, Newport to Antigua, on account and risque
of Robert Elton, and unto Edward Perry and Robert
Elton, Dec. 10, 1684.
"twenty Cask Containg one tonn of tarr on account and
risque of Walter Newbury, one barll Apells, one barll of
beer, one half barll of porke & one firkin of butter on
account and risque of Robert Elton".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Sloop Betty, Daniel
bo RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Gould, master, Newport to Antigua, unto Thomas Turner,
planter, Nov. 10, 1684.
"five barlls of porke, two firkins of butter & one barll of
Syder."
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Ship Nevis Merchanty
Timothy Clarke, master, Newport to Nevis, on account and
risque of Nathaniel Johnson and unto Timothy Clarke,
March 24, 1684.
"one larg bay mare & two horses".
Shipped by Benjamin Newbury on Ship Amity ^ Richard
Diamond, master, Newport to Barbardos, unto Oliver
Hooten, July 11, 1685.
"tenn firkins of Butter".
Shipped by Benjamin Newbury on Ship Amity y Richard
Diamond, master, Newport to Barbados, unto "Widdow
Ann Gallop", July 11, 1685.
"One Large gray Gelding markt on ye Buttock & three
water Cask".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Sloop [illegible], Daniel
Stanton, master, Newport to Philadelphia, for account and
risque of Zacharia Whitpaine, April 3, 1686.
"Seven hhds & two halfe hhds of [illegible].
Eight barrls pork, Six Barlls beef, three
firkins of butter, one hundred and Sixty
bushels of Indian Corn."
Shipped by Walter Newbury on the Bristoll Merchant,
Samuel Woodberry, master, Newport to London, unto
William Phillips, May 5, 1686.
"23 hhds of skines and one barll of plain sugar".
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on the Bristol Merchanty
Samuel Woodberry, master, Newport to London, unto
George Watts, May 5, 1686.
"Sixty three pounds three shillings Starling money of
England and ninty peces of Eight Spanish money".
THE WALTER NEWBURY SHIPPING BOOK 89
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on the Bristol Merchant,
Samuel Woodberry, master, Newport to London, unto
Edward Hastwell or Nathanl Wilmor, May 5, 1686.
"five severall bills of Exchaing Containing three hundred
& fortty pounds Starlling money of England".
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Ship Portsmouth, Henry
Beer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Joseph Grove
June 22, 1686.
"nine barlls of oyle, 52 Cask of tar. Six Cask of flower,
thirteen firkins and two halfe firkins of butter, twelve thou-
sand four hundred Sixty Eight Staves, three thousand seven
hundred and fifty Shingles, Six hundred & halfe of hoops
and two horses with water Casks".
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Sloop [no name given]
Jonathan Marsh, master, Newport to Burlington on Del-
aware,unto Thomas Budd, Sept. 6, 1686.
"Six hhds of Rum" [also sonie wool — quantity written
illegibly]
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Sloop [no name given]
Peter Triby, master, Newport to Boston, unto Edward
Shippen, Sept. 9, 1686.
"Six tonn & a halfe of brazalette wood & a bundle of bever &
deer skins and foure hhds of Sugar".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Sloop [no name given]
Peter Triby, master, Newport to Boston, for account and
risque of Edward Perry and unto Elizabeth Perry, Sept.
9, 1686.
"nineteen halfe barlls of flower"
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Sloop Dolfh'm, William
Sikes, master, Newport to Boston, for account and risk
of Bartholomew Gidney of Salem, and unto Edward Ship-
pen, Oct. 6, 1686.
"seven bages of sheepes woll"
90 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Ann and Mary, Sam
Cranston, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Joseph
Grove, Oct. 20, 1686.
"foure barlls & Six halfe barlls of onions"
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Sloop Unity , Joseph
Worden, master, Newport to Shrowsbery, unto Thomas
Eaton, Nov. 3, 1686.
"one hhd Rum, ten Iron kettles, two bages Shott, two hatts,
a CandleStick, Seven dozand halfe of flshooks".
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Sloop Desire, Daniel
Stanton, master, Newport to Boston, unto Edward Shippen,
merchant in Boston, Dec. 1, 1686.
"one hundred Cheeses, Six firkins of butter, one bag of
pewter, one bag Bese wax, twelve doz fire shovell pans".
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on [ ? ] Portsmouth, Henry
Beer, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Joseph Grove,
Dec. 25, 1686.
"ten thousand five hundred of white oake barrll Staves
with Heading, twenty barll train oyle, thirty four halfe
barrll beefe, three firkins of hogs lard, three halfe barrl
Cranbury, fiveteen Cask of tarr, one thousand two hundred
Shingles, five horses with fourteen water Cask, a hundred
& halfe of Hoops".
Also "Eight boxes of Candles . . . acct & risque of Joseph
Groves".
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Ship Providence, Joseph
Bryer, master, Newport for Barbados, unto Joseph Grove,
Jan. 14, 1686/7.
[lumber and horses, quantity illegible]
Also "one box of Candels & one hors [horse]"
Also "twenty one thousand foure hundred twenty seven
futt of bords, nineteen thousand foure hundred 24 of
staves, nineteen thous of Shingles & 23 Sheepe".
■ THE WALTKR NEWBURY SHIPI'INCi BOOK 91
Shipped by Walter Newbury on [ r ] Dolphin^ Richard
Foster, master, Newport to Boston, unto John Bisler March
31, 1687.
"twenty foure barlls of porke & a hhd of [illegible], two
deer skins Loose"
Also "twenty six barls of porke and four half barls" to
Stephen Mason.
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Sloop Ark Noil Mew,
master, Newport to New York, unto Gabriel Munveal of
N. Y., Nov. 8, 1688.
"26 firkins of buttr".
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Sloop Desire, Peter
Tribly, master, Newport to Boston, unto Anthony Hay-
wood of Boston, Nov. 20, 1688.
"Two pipes of wine".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Brigantine Elizabeth &'
Mary, Daniel Stanton, master, Newport to Jamaica, unto
Thimothy Weymouth, Dec. 18, 1688.
"Three Barrls of Oyle, Six barll porke, Tenn firkins of
Buttr, Three Caske of Cheese, Two Barlls & one halfe Barll
of Cranberry".
Also "Two Barll of Oyle, Two firkins of Buttr, one Caske
of Cheese . . . acct. & risque of Joseph Nauris in Jamaica".
Shipped by Walter Newbury, on Ship Newport, Daniel
Gould, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Christianus
Gardner and William Wheeler, March 19, 1688.
"four barrll porke, four barrll beefe & four boxes Candles".
Shipped by Walter Newbury on Brigantine Indeavour,
John Hart, master, Newport to Barbados, unto Christianus
Gardner and Wm. Wheeler, April 13, 1689.
"Ten Barrll of Oyle, one Thousand of hhd Staves, five
hundred of hhd hoops, one box of Candles & four horses
with Oats, hey & water Caske [casks] as Customary."
92 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
First Settlers in East Providence
By W. LeRoy Wood
William Blackstone or Blaxton was the first white
settler of Rehoboth, coming from Boston. He it was who
gave the Boston Common to the settlers of that town. In
1635, he built a home on the upper waters of the Seekonk
River, today known as the Blackstone River. The place
where the walls of his house were raised, then a part of
Rehoboth, about three miles above the city of Pawtucket,
is now known as Cumberland, R. I.
Roger Williams was the second white man to come to
the region now known as Rhode Island, and the first white
man to come to what is today East Providence. He arrived
in the spring of 1636. But following the advice of his
friend, the Governor of Plymouth, who did not desire to
displease the Bay Colony, Roger Williams moved to the
westward, across the Seekonk.
Another white man has left his name on the early
records, although the information regarding him is meagre.
In the Plymouth Colonial Records (Vol. II, page 67) we
learn that one, John Hazell was living at "Seacunck" in
the year 1642.
The man whom we regard as the real founder of Reho-
both, and particularly of the part to be later known as
East Providence, was the Rev. Samuel Newman. It has
been said that "the history of the early colonies is the his-
tory of the churches." The Rev. Samuel Newman was a
pastor in Yorkshire, England, for ten years. Dissatisfied
with religious conditions in England, he came to America
in 1635. For four years he made his home in Dorchester,
Mass. In 1639, he became pastor of the Weymouth
Church, staying in that town for four years.
^^
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94 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
In the spring of 1644, he left Weymouth with nearly
three score men and their families and came to the westerly
bounds of Plymouth Colony. Arriving at the region bor-
dering the Seekonk River they decided to make this their
home. The Indians called the region "Seekonk" or "Sea-
cunk." It is believed that the name was the combination
of two Indian words, "seaki" meaning black, and "konk,"
goose — black goose. These geese frequently alighted in
the Seekonk River and cove as they passed over the section.
The Rev. Mr. Newman called the place "Rehoboth" for
he said, "the Lord hath opened a way for us." (Gen.
26:24.) The word means room or broad place.
From the records and accounts of the beginning of the
town we learn that the houses of this first colony were built
in a semi-circle around Seekonk Common, opening toward
the Seekonk River, with the church and the minister's
house in the center. This has been referred to frequently
as "the Ring of the Town."
Where was the site of this Ring? Beyond the fact that
the Ring encircled the common and opened toward the
river, we find no record. Seekonk Common lay between
the junction of Pleasant Street and Pawtucket Avenue,
and the junction of Pawtucket and Newman Avenues.
From a resident of Rumford who has taken a deep inter-
est in the events and conditions in the early colony — Mr.
George ^Carpenter, we learn that at one time a row of
buttonwood trees followed the outline of this ring. Today
none of these trees are living. Thirty years ago one of
these trees was standing. During his youth Mr. Carpenter
noted and marked the site of eight of these trees. He was
told by some of the older inhabitants of the town that they
formed a part of the original line of trees which extended
along the Ring of the town.
^Son of Horatio Carpenter.
FIRST SETTLERS IN EAST PROVIDENCE 95
The location of the trees that Mr, Carpenter noted are
marked upon the accompanying map. By them we can
trace the probable outline of the "Ring," We see that
the conditions of the record are met, that the Ring was
around the Common, opening toward the river, with the
church in the center.
The first church building erected by these colonists stood
to the south of the present building. It is belived to have
stood on the site of the Newman monument in the ceme-
tery. This first building was erected in 1646, and was said
to be a very crude structure.
Seventy-one years later it was replaced by another build-
ing which was north of the monument, near the site of the
tomb, and still on the south side of the road. In 1810, a
third building was erected, this time across the road. This
building is still standing, the present Newman Church,
known to the people of this vicinity and to the patrons of
the United Electric Railway as the "White Church."
Its predecessor was taken down and the timbers were
used for" the frame and planks for the walls of the Old
Town Hall, which is located on Pawtucket Avenue at
East Providence Center ( Rumford). There is a tradition,'
we are told, that this Town Hall was first located where
the Union Primary School now stands, but that there is
no means of verifying that statement. So far as the rec-
ords show, this building stood on the present location of
the Public Library at the the Center until 1904, when it
was moved to its present site, and the Library built upon
its earlier location.
In his "History of Rehoboth," Mr, Leonard Bliss gives
us the following account of an early town meeting as
noted in the town record of that early colony,
"At a general meeting of the town of Seakunk being
the 9th of the 10th month (December) 1644, at law-
~Providence Evening Bulletin, -^ug. 27, 1928.
96 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
ful warning given, by reason of many meetings, and
other strong causes for the easing of the great trouble,
and for the (word illegible) and the deciding of con-
troversies between party and party as well as the pro-
posing of men's levies to be made and paid, and for
the well ordering of the town affairs, as may stand
with future equity, according to our former combina-
tion, the inhabitants of said place have chosen these
men here named —
Alexander Winchester William Smith
Walter Palmer Robert Martin
Richard Bowen Henry Smith
Richard Wright Stephen Payne
"These men were called 'Townsmen' and were
the predecessors of the officials who today constitute
the Town Council. But these Townsmen had greater
powers than do the members of the present Town
Council. At a subsequent meeting of the Townsmen
it was ordered that the recording of any man's land
in the Town Book shall be to him and his heirs a suffi-
cient assurance forever,
"In 1645, the people submitted to the jurisdiction
of the Plymouth Court and were incorporated under
the name of Rehoboth. On the 9th of June, 1645,
lots were drawn for land upon the great plain, and
the list gives, it is reasonable to suppose, the names
of all the original settlers." This list can be read in
the histories of both Bliss and Tilton.
97
Esther Wii.lett Thimble
On page 126 of Volume XXIII of the Collections will
be found an article on the Esther Willett thimble in which
it is stated that the thimble was found during the excava-
tions in connection with the building of Col. H. Anthony
Dyer's house in East Providence. Colonel Dyer informs
us that the thimble was found in the garden, not in the
ruins of the old house, and paints an attractive word picture
of the supposal that Esther lost her thimble one day while
sewinu; in the garden.
New Publications of Rhode Island Interest
Robert Feke, Colonial Portrait Painter by Henry Wilder
Foote, is an illustrated volume of 223 pages. It will be
remembered that one of the earliest studies of Feke was
made by Professor William C. Poland and printed in the
"Rhode Island Historical Society Proceedings," 1905,
p. 73.
The Colony House by Frank H. Swan, is a leaflet of 1 8
pages, issued by the Akerman-Standard Company.
The Society of Colonial Wars in Rhode Island has
issued a pamphlet of 20 pages: Samuel Gorton^ s 'Letter to
Lord Hyde in Behalf of the Narragansett Sachems, April
4, 1662.
Sachems of the Narragansetts, is an illustrated volume of
1 1 7 pages, dealing with the lives of the rulers of our local
Indians, which has just been published by the Rhode Island
Historical Society.
Antiques for December, 1930, contains an illustrated
article showing that Malbone's painting called "The
Hours" is really based directly on Samuel Shelley's paint-
ing with the same title, although as Ruel P. Tolman
observes, "Malbone has evidently improved upon Shelley."
98 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Old-T'tme Ne'-jc England for January, 1931, contains
an illustrated article on New England windmills includ-
ing an account of the old windmills of Rhode Island.
The New England Historical and Genealogical Register
for January, 1931, contains an article on the ancestry of
Peter Tallman of Portsmouth, R. I.
The Early Quakers and the Old Quaker Aieeting
House^ a paper by W. L. Watson, has been published as
"Bulletin Number 5" of the Jamestown Historical Society.
The Calendar of State Papers for 1717-1718, which has
recently been issued by the British Government contains
several references to Rhode Island affairs, including fur-
ther data on the controversey over the appointment of the
Governor of Massachusetts as Commander-in-Chief of the
militia of Rhode Island, the account of the capture of the
Rhode Island brigantine Johfi and Thomas by pirates, and
an estimate of Rhode Island wool exports.
Volume II of The "Old Stone Bank" History of Rhode
Island is a book of 141 pages by John Williams Haley.
The Times Literary Supple^nent (London) of Feb. 5,
1931, contains a review of the January issue of the Rhode
Island. Historical Society Collections.
Antiques for January, 1931, contains an article on early
Rhode Island pottery by Charles D. Cook.
Notes
99
The Society recently obtained a copy of a hitherto
unknown Rhode Island broadside of 1778. It is a resolu-
tion in regard to guns which was passed at the Second May
Session of the General Assembly of Rhode Island, in 1778.
The following persons have been elected to membership
in the Society:
Mrs. William Wood Estes
Mr. David Davidson
Mr. Robert S. Emerson
Mr. G. Burton Hibbert
Mr. George E. Bixby
Mr. Fred H. Barrows
Mr. Edgar W. Martin
Miss Anna Chapin
Edgar B. Smith, M.D.
Miss Mittie Arnold
Mrs. I. B. Merriman
Mr. John B. Archer
Mr. W. L. Watson
Mr. Zenas W. Bliss
Mr. Ward E. Smith
Mrs. Louis C. Gerry
Mr. Eugene A. Clauss
Miss Abbie P. Gardner
Mr. Paul C. De Wolf
Miss Louisa A. Sweetland
Mr. Henry T. Samson
Mr. Daniel L. Willmarth, Jr.
Mr. Jarvis M. Morse
Mrs. William A. McAuslan
Dr. Madelaine R. Brown
Mr. Henry A. DuVillard
Mrs. Robert Ives Gammell
Mrs. Harold P. Salisbury
Mrs. George St. }. Sheffield
Mr. Edward J. C. Bullock
Mrs. Edward J. C. Bullock
Mr. David B. Lovell, Jr.
Mr. W. Granville Meader
Mr. Sidney D. Humphrey
Mrs. John S. Holbrook
Mrs. George H. Huddy, Jr.
Miss Jane Arnold Thomas
Mrs. George W. H. Ritchie
Mrs. Wallace Campbell
Mr. G. Frederick Frost
100 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Report of Membership Committee
In accordance with the By-Laws your Committee on
Membership submits the following report:
At the beginning of the year it was thought advisable to
look over the field with the idea of increasing the member-
ship, the plan adopted was to send each member a printed
form, wherein they could name prospective members. The
members responded to this request very well. Of course,
it was necessary to clear these lists to avoid duplication, as
some names were suggested of persons who were already
members, while the names of other non-members appeared
upon more than one list. By this simple method the admis-
sion of 1 1 5 new members was acquired. This is the Rhode
Island Historical Society, a state-wide organization, and
it is the opinion of your Committee that while we naturally
draw heavily upon the City of Providence for our mem-
bership yet there is undoubtedly quite a number of eligible
and desirable members in the other cities and towns who
are interested in Rhode Island history and its institutions,
and who upon invitation would be pleased to be identified
as members. It is with this idea in view that your Com-
mittee will give special attention during the coming year
to the outlying districts without relinquishment, however,
of our vigilance and attention in the capital city.
New members since the last annual meeting 115, of
whom 74 reside in Providence, 33 in Rhode Island outside
of Providence, and 8 outside of the State of Rhode Island.
There has been 14 lost by death.
No members have been dropped from the roll of mem-
bership on account of the non-payment of dues.
The present membership is 566, the largest membership
in the history of the Society.
Respectfully submitted,
Henry C. Dexter,
January 13, 1931. Chairman.
treasurer's REI'ORT 101
RHODK ISLAM) HIS'l'ORICAL SOCIKTY
TRlvASURKR'S REPORT
INCOME ACCOUNT FOR YEAR 1930
Receipis
Annua] Dues $2,638. ()()
Dividends and Interest 5,530.14
Rental of Rooms 1 10.00
State Appropriation 1,500.00
Contributions 40.00
$9,818.14
Expenditures
Binding $326.62
Books 83 3.37
Electric Light and Gas 46.0 5
Exhibitions 163.79
Expense 295.09
Grounds and Building 197.41
Heating 700.00
Newspaper Account 21.70
Publications 976.63
Salaries :.......... 5,520.00
Supplies 271.17
Telephone 74.40
Water 8.00
$9,434.23
Surplus Income Account 383.91
$9,818.14
102 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
STATEMENT OF CONDITION, DECEMBER 31, 1930
Assets
Grounds and Building $25,000.00
Investments:
Bonds
$4,000. Cedars Rapids Mfg. & Power Co. 5s,
1953 $3,228.88
3,000. Central Mfg. District 3,000.00
3,000. Cleveland Elec. Illuminating Co. 5s,
1939 ^ 2,565.42
1,000. Commonwealth Edison Co. 5s, 1943 965.25
4,000. Dominion of Canada 5s, 1952 4,003.91
1,000. Western Electric Co. 5s, 1 944 998.1 7
4,000. No. 61 Broadwav Building, 1st Mtge.
5>^s, 1950' ^ 4,000.00
4,000. Minncota Power & Light Co. 1st 5s,
1955 3,930.00
4,000. Monongahela \^a]]e\' Traction Co. 1st
5s,' 1942 ' 3,685.00
2,000 Ohio Power & Light Co. 1st & Ref. 5s,
1952 1,974.00
2,000. Narragansett Electric Co. 1st 5s, 1957 1,980.00
2,000. Shell Union Oil Corporation 5s, 1947 1,979.00
2,000. Koppcrs Gas & Coke Co. 5s, 1947 1,962.50
1,000. Indianapolis Power & Light Co. 1st 5s,
195 7 994.50
Stocks
54 shs. New York Central Railroad Company $3,766.47
1 25 shs. Pennsylvania Railroad Company 7,638.35
30 shs. Lehigh Valley Railroad Company 2,1 1 2.50
7 shs. Lehigh \'a]ley Coal Sales Company 23 5.39
40 shs. Milwaukee Elec. Railway & Light Co.,
Pfd ' 3,900.00
64 shs. American Telephone & Telegraph Co. 5,960.0 5
3 50 shs. Providence Gas Company 5,75 5.68
1 5 shs. Providence National Bank ( , onn qq
30 shs. Merchants' National Bank Building \
45 shs. Blackstone Canal National Bank 1,0 50.00
52 shs. Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Rwy.
Co., Com ' 6,247.85
20 shs. American Power & Light Co., $5. Pfd. 1,696.50
30 shs. Standard Gas & Electric Co., $4. Pfd. 1,906.50
3 5 shs. Public Service Corp'n. of New Jersey,
$5. Pfd ' '.. 3,327.63
80,663.55
Cash on hand 3,229.75
$108,893.30
trkasurkr's report 103
LlABIT.ITlES
Equipment Fund $25,000.00
Permanent Endowment Fund:
Samuel M. Noves $ 1 2,000.00
Henry J. Steere 10,000.00
James H. Bugbee 6,000.00
Charles H. Smith 5,000.00
Charles W. Parsons 4,000.00
William H. Potter 3,000.00
Esek A. Jillson 2,000.00
John Wilson Smith 1,000.00
William G. Weld 1 ,000.00
Charles C. Hoskins 1,000.00
Charles H. Atwood 1,000.00
46,000.00
Publication Fund:
Robert P. Brown $2,000.00
Ira B. Peck 1 ,000.00
William Gammell 1,000.00
Albert }. Jones 1,000.00
William Elv 1 ,000.00
Julia Bullock 500.00
Charles H. Smith 1 00.00
— — 6,600.00
George L. Shepley Fund 5,000.00
Life Membership 5,5 50.00
Franklin Lvceum Memorial Fund 734.52
Book Fund 3,0 1 2.41
Reserve Fund 1,113.27
Revolving Publication Fund 537.27
Surplus 1 3,766.62
Surplus Income Account 1,5 79.21
$108,893.30
104 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
PRINCIPAL ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR 1930
Receipts
From Surplus Income Account $1,128.53
$5,000. New York Edison Company 6>4s, 1941, sold 5,687.50
300. United Electric Railways, Prior Lien 4s, 1 946, sold 1 59.00
64 rts. American Telephone & Telegraph Company, sold 1,086.18
Life Membership ' 200.00
Reserve Fund 69.00
Revolving Publication Fund 343.00
$8,673.21
Balance January 1, 1930 2,163.94
$10,837.15
Payments
50 shs. Providence Gas Company, new stock $750.00
14 shs. Pennsylvania R. R. Company, new stock 70 3.38
4 shs. New York Central R. R. Company, new stock 41 1.25
20 shs. American Power (S: Light Company, bought 1,696.50
3 5 shs. Public Service Corp'n. of New Jersey, $5. Pfd., bought 3,327.63
30 shs. Standard Gas & Electric Company, $4. Pfd., bought 1 ,906.50
Revolving Publication Fund 391.3 5
$9,186.61
Balance December 30, 1930 1,650.54
$10,837.15
Respectfully submitted,
Gilbert A. Harrinc;ton,
Treasurer.
:o*
Roger Williams Pres
RAW
E. A. Johnson Co.
PROVIDENCE
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XXIV
JULY, 1931
No. 3
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A MEXICAN BANNhR tAKKIl I) I'.V A r,\l lAI.ION OF 5(l(.l MKN FROM 'IHE
PROVINCE OF OAWCA. 11 WAS TAKEN FROM THE B.ATTLEFl EI.l)
OF CERRO CiORDO, APRIL 17, 1847, AND BROUGHT
HOME BY (;EORGE W. GL'ILD, AN
AMERICAN OFFICER.
In l/w Socic/\'s Museum.
Issued Quarterly
68 Waterman Streei, Providence, Rhode Island
CONTENTS
PAGE
Some Ancient Roads in the Pettaquamscutt Purchase
by William Davis Miller . . . .105
Roger Williams and the English Revolution
by James Ernst . . . . .118
New Publications of Rh(xle Eland Interest . . 129
Wilbour Bequest . . . . . . 130
Queen's Fort 130
Notes 130
Arnold and Mary Lewis SiE'er Spoon . . 131
Heraldic Notes ( III ustrated by Hcvold Boivditch) 132
List of Members of the Society . . . .134
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
VOL. XXI\'
July, 1931
No. 3
Addison P. Munkoe, Presitleiit Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Serretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian
I'he Socict\- assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
Some Ancient Roads in the Pettaquamscutt
Purchase
By William Davis Miller
"The road turned first towards the left
Where Pinker's quarry made the cleft;
The path turned next towards the right,
Because the mastiff used to bite,
Then left because of Slippery Height,
And then again towards the right —
We could not take the left because
It would have been against the laws. . ."
G. K. Chesterton.
The eccentric wanderings of the ancient roads of our
forefathers often cause us to ponder until we realize the
difficulties under which they were laid out and constructed.
Chesterton's verses are apt, as they depict a few of the vari-
ous obstructions to the ideal straight roadj and in our
106 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
own wilderness, with swamps, out crops of granite, and
rivers, where the "riding over" place must be chosen in lieu
of a bridge, there were many natural impediments pre-
sented. Also there were the boundaries of farms and house
lots to be skirted for to cross "would have been against the
laws" invoked by an irate landholder.
It may be, therefore, of interest to learn when some of
our early roads were built and why they were laid out with
such seeming disregard to the axiom concerning the straight
line. The old Narragansett Country was such a typical
example that it may well be taken as an illustration for the
rest of the Colony.
On January 20, 1657', Samuel Wilson, John Porter,
John Hull, Samuel Wilbour and Thomas Mumford exe-
cuted the first deed of purchase with the Sachems of the
Narragansett Country for that great tract of land which,
as a result of that and subsequent deeds, the last dated 1661,
was to contain, in area, about twelve square miles. These
five men, together with Benedict Arnold and William
Brenton who were admitted at a later date, were known as
the Purchasers and the land as the Pettaquamscutt
Purchase.
Unfortunately the minutes of the nieetings of the Pur-
chasers are most incomplete and the dates of the earliest
apportionments of the lands are, therefore, very difficult to
present. We know, however, by surviving deeds and rec-
ords, that by 1663 the Purchasers had commenced to
assign and sell lands to outsiders; but it is certain that they
had previously allotted various tracts among themselves.
With the sale of lands it became imperative that roads be
laid out as the country side had nothing as a means of
travel, save the old Indian trails. This difficult work was
evidently undertaken about 1660, the date being approxi-
mately confirmed by two depositions made in the year
^Elishn R. Potter, Early History oj Narragausett, pp. 275-2S
ANCIF.XT ROADS IX THE PETTAQUAMSCUTT ITRCHASE 107
1 727 j as in the first of these, dated July 8th, the deponent,
Benoni Gardner", referring to one of the highways, states
that it "is now near Seventy \ears Since the Laying out of
ye Same".
These depositions, ona by Benoni Gardner as referred
to above and the other b\' Henry Gardner dated three days
later, are the main ev'idence that remains of the earliest
roads of the Purchase. A road plat by Helme^ confirms the
position and direction of the roads to such a degree as to
verify the testimony of the Gardners.
As the first settlement in the Purchase was on the East-
erly slope of what is now Tower Hill, at the place then
called Pettaquamscutt, the roads laid out for the conven-
ience of the house holders at that place will therefore be
considered first. The other roads and highways leading into
the "wilderness" to the westward alw^ays have their begin-
ning from this "Country Road at the head of the Lotts".
Benoni Gardner says that this road, now known as the
Tower Hill Road, conimenced "at Esqr Brinton (s) Land
and Extended Northward So fare as sd Purchase went".
Brinton, or Brenton's land was situated on the Southeast-
erly side of the road through the village of Wakefield,
from the Saugatucket River to a point just north of where
the Tower Hill House now stands. Henry Gardner simply
says that the north bound of the road was the Purchase
line, but gives no southerly termination. It niay have orig-
inally commenced at the Brenton land, but it would soon
'South Kingstozcn Land Evidence, vol. 3, pp. 192-193. Benoni was
the eldest son of George and Herodias (Hicks) Gardner. He was born
about 163 5 and died in 1731.
"South Kiiigit'izoi Land Efuience, vol. 3, p. 193. Henrv was a brother
of Benoni.
■'Fragments of this plat b\- James Helme were found among the papers
of the late Fdisha R. Potter. It is dated 1 727 and it would seem probable
that the depositions were taken to aid in the drawing and layout of the
roads.
108
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
N
„o...„/,.
;:|
^Si.,..
^^'
I UK KUADS AT PK ITAQUAMSCUTr
The upper road is that at the '■'head of the Lotts" iiozv the Post Road. The
lozcer is the road along the riz'er at the foot of the hill. The connecting road
to the right is the \ornier zvay to the Lead Mine. The road leading ufzcard
from the Post Road is the highzcay connecting zcith the ''''Broad Road'''' at the
Saugatucket Riz'er. Note signatures and dates.
ANCIENT ROADS IxN THE PETTAQUAMSCUTT PURCHASE 109
appear to have been extended along by the head of the
Purchaser's lands that bordered on the westerly side of the
Salt Ponds and ocean, until it reached at least the southerly
line of the Purchase. The westerly bounds of these divi-
sions of land mark approximately today, or at least prior
to recent changes due to motor traffic, the course of the
Post Road as far as the Charlestown line, which line at
that point is in fact the original southerly bound of the Pur-
chase. This extension, for some distance, is shown on the
Helme fragment.
At the foot of the hill "called Pettequamscutt," or rather
at the foot of the lots, another road was laid out on the
westerly bank of the Pettaquamscutt, or Narrow River.
This road originally extended from south of the Middle
Bridge, so called, to Coles Mill which was adjacent to the
site of Gilbert Stuart's birthplace. At present it stops short
of this, but an abandoned driftway through the woods still
shows the original course. Benoni only mentions it, but his
brother George says that there "was laid out a highway
sixty years agone & upwards from Segg [Sedge] Island
along by the foot of the Lotts on the Petequamscutt Hill
in said town to the grist mill which now belongs to Elisha
Cole or a mill that stood thereabouts." The mill that
"stood thereabouts" was the mill built by Thomas Mum-
ford in 1686 T 68 7.
From this road there were two connecting with the Coun-
try Road at the head of the lots. With reference to the
first of these, Benoni states that, "there was one Highway
laid out by the Lead Mine from the uper highway at the
head of the Lotts down to the highway to the foot of said
Lotts". Henry Gardiner states that it was formally laid
out "for the convenience of going to sd Lead mine". It
was originally laid out with the generous width of 20 rods.
However, the lead mine, known by the Indians as Cajoot,
does not appear to be as valuable as was expected and
"afterwards the said Purchasers gave four Rods in width
110 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
on the north part of Sd Twenty Rods [road] from the
Lower highway to the Country Rhod afore mentioned
for the use & benefit of the Town and the remainder part
of said twenty rods the Sd Purchasors conveyed to Thomas
Mumford . . . in part pay for John Mumford surveying".
The road, as well as the mine, fell into disuse and first
the portion from the mine to the ri\'er road ceased to appear
on contemporary plats and later the remainder. It is, how-
ever, shown on the Helme plat, where it appears as the
northern of the two roads.
The other road down the hill to the river still exists
very much the same as when laid out. This was the road
over which tra\'el must go from the westward, over the
Pettaquamscutt Ri\'er, across Boston Neck to the ferry to
Conanicut and Newport. This road is the southern of the
two on the Helme Plat. It is at the southwest corner of
this road where the old grave yard still remains. This land
was originally given by Samuel Sewall for a church ^ and
here Rev. Dr. Joseph Torrey, minister and doctor, lies
buried. South of this road is situated the remains of Jireh
Bull's stone house or garrison, ciestroyed by the Indians in
1675.
The continuation of the abo\'e road, which led to the
west country, where the extensive farm lands of the set-
tlers at Pettaquamscutt were situated, commenced on the
road at the head of the lots just south of the juncture of
the so-called country road and the road described in the
preceding paragraph. Benoni Gardiner simply refers to
it as "an highway Runing out of Sd highway [at head of
the lots] Wistward up to Sawcatucket River" . . . Henry
"also saith that the Said Purchasers Laid out a Country
Rhode near the house of William Browns where Joseph
Hammons now Lives Leading ... to Saucotuct River."
Helme's plat shows Hammon's house, which was for-
mally Brown's, which places the beginning of the road very
definitely. On this road stood the first jail, and nearby, the
ANCIENT ROADS IN THK PF.TTAU U A M SCUTT PURCHASE 111
first court house in King's Province, later King's County.
Also on this road the Rev. Dr. Torre\' lived his verv useful
life.
At the Saugatucket Ri\"er this road met the most remark-
able road laid out by the Purchasers. Of course they had
land a plenty but vvh\- such a gargantuan highway! No
wonder Helme, many years later, called it "the Broad
Road". Benoni Gardner gives it first place in his deposition
and "Saith that to his Certain Knowledge that the highway
Leading from the Sawcatucket In Said Kingstown up to
the Ceder Swamp was laid out upon a Straight Line from
Said Sawcatucket up to Sd Ceder Swamp by the purchasers
of petaquamscutt Purchase fourty Rod in bredth through-
out, Southward from Jeri Bulls Line [,] himself being then
present and one unproved in lyout of sd highway [,] and
also the Land formerly belonging to William Haviland"
. . . "Jeri Bulls Line" was the southerly line of his five
hundred acre farm at Little Rest Hill. This great road,
220 feet wide, ran in a westerh' direction from the Sauga-
tucket Ri\"er through what is now \Vatson's Corner, Gould
and Curtis Corners, to the edge of the Cedar Swamp by
Worden's Pond.
A fragment of the Helme plat fortunately shows this
remarkable road; but also shows that the generous propor-
tions were not carried (.nit but for two hundred and ninety
rods from the Saugatucket Ri\'er. Here it narrowed down
to ten rods for a distance of about two hundred rods, when
it abruptly increased to twent\'-six rods until it reached the
Cedar Swamp, obligingly turning out to avoid the resi-
dence of William Gardner, Esquire! There are references
to this road as of twenty-six rods in width but its \agaries
would allow It almost any designation.
A further point to be noticed on the Helme Plat is the
utter disregard as to the juncture of the "Broad Road" with
the road from Pettaquamscutt to the Saugatucket at John
Kenyon, jr.'s house. -\n\'one tra\ellinu this road todav
j-fiiiiriniii^
ANCIENT ROADS IN TIIR PETTAQU AMSCUTT PURCHASE 113
may still note, at this point, a sharp bend to the south which
was necessarily made to join the two roads.
The "Broad Road," however, soon was shorn of its
greatness^ for in the beginning of the year 1726-7, the
proprietors of the Pettaquamscutt Purchase ordered
Helme to reduce the road to five rods width, and to divide
the surplus land on either side into house lots for the Pur-
chasers. The plat of these divisions is reproduced here-
with.
Helme's plat further shows two roads running north-
ward from the "Broad Road." The first was that near
the Saugatucket at what is now Watson's Corners. Benoni
describes this as follows: "and also another highway
beginning at the aforesd fourty Rode highway Run North-
ward by the Land of the Aforesd Bulls then turns westward
by sd Bulls and So Long Between Robert Potters Land
and Wm Knowles Land Until it Meetts with the afore
Named Chepuchsaugg River" . . . Henry Gardner states:
"near to ]n I. Kinyons house along between the lands of
Abiel Sherman & Saml Helmes northward up to Joseph
Cases north east corner and from thence westward between
Sd Cases Land & Robert Hannah Land & so along to
Chepucket River between the newles (Knowles) Land and
the Land now in the possession of Robert Potter . . ."
^ This road still remains the same today. From Watson's
Corners northward to Rose Hill, then to the westward. to
Kingston Hill and through the village of Kingston to the
Chepuxet Ri\er. The difference in the names of Case and
Bull m the two depositions, as owners of the land to the
westward of the road, is explained by the fact that heirs
of Jn-eh Bull sold a portion of their land to Joseph Case
HI 1693. In other words it was Bull's land when the road
was laid out, but Case's land when the deposition was
made. This situation frequently arises in the description
of highways and in the bounds of lands, with confusing
results to the unwarv searcher.
^
AXCIKXT ROADS IX THE I'ETlAijU.V MSCL'TT PURfHASE 115
The Other road leading northerly from the "Broad
Road" was that which is now a portion of the road which
leads in a northerly direction from the Post Road, some
distance Southwest from Sugar Loaf Hill in Wakeheld,
through Curtis Corners, to Kingston \'illage, and is now
known as the "Oki South Road." However, the only
portion of this road mentioned by the Gardner's is that
from Curtis Corners to Kingston Milage. Benoni Gardner
describes it as "another highway Runing from aforesd fort\'
Rode Highway Extending Northward bet\\'een the Land.
of Saml Tefft and Land belonging to Rowse Helme Esqr.
So Extending Northward l^ntill it Metts with the Last
highway' before recited b\' \Vm Knowles . . ." ( the
main road through Kingston \'illage). Henry Gardner
describes it from the opposite direction; "another high-
way Leading from the Sd highway that Runs Between
said Knowles & Robert Potters Land Southward to the
Eastwarci of Wm, Knowles & Saml Teffts Land adjoin-
ing to Sd Land as far as Robert Hazards Survey Run."
Li the \ear 17('3, this road was again laid out' by the
town, it being a portion of the highway from the "town of
Westerly bounds," which is the present bound of Charles-
town, to the "bounds between our town and East Cireen-
wich." This highway was what is now the Post Road from
the Charlestown line as far as the first road South of Sugar
Loaf Hill, here it turns westward into the Old South Road
to Kingston, through the village and north along the pres-
ent North Road, so-called, then east and north and again
east by the spot where the old Narragansett Church stood,
then northward down Ridge Hill through AUentown, b\'
DeviPs Foot to "John North's fourd," now Hunt's Ri\er,
bound of the town of East Greenwich.
"This report is printed in full in the Ejr!\ Hisforx of Narragtuisett,
pp. 223-22S.
^:
^
St,*
t^
ANCIENT ROADS IN THE PKTTAOr AM SCUTT PURCHASE 117
In the same record, mention is made of the road by
Sugar Loaf, through the town of Wakefield, as it now is,
and up Tower Hill, to "a ten rod highway, formerly laid
out by the purchasers at the head of the lotts upon Pitticom-
cott Hill." This portion is shown on the Helme Plat.
But in returning to the depositions of the Gardners^ one
further road should be mentioned. It commenced at the
MacSparran Hill, nearly opposite Hannah Robinson Rock,
and ran westerly to Mooresheld and from there north-
erly and westerly, to the junction of the present North
Road from Kingston \'illage, along the South Kings-
ton town line to the Chepuxet River. Henry Gardner
describes it as "another Highway . . . Leading between
ye Land of John Watson the Land of Wm. Gardiners
Westward along between the Land of Benony Gardner &
others & along by Robert Hazards Land . . . Westward
to Chepuchet River . . ." Benoni Gardner's description
is similar except mentioning that it passed by "the Depo-
nents Land".
There is one road that is not mentioned in the depositions
of the Gardiners nor in the report of 1 704. This is the
bit of road from Rose Hill, at the point where the road
from Watson's Corners "turn Westward by sd Bulls," to
the Saugatucket at Mooresheld. This was probably a
driftway at hrst, cut through the woods as a short cut to
join the road to Pettaquamscutt Hill. Such driftways,
originally made to afford access to small tracts of land off
the main highways, often were later laid out and accepted.
Many of the old lots can even now be placed h\ these old
and little used roads.
118 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Roger Williams and the English Revolution
of 16+8 (Cont'd)
Bx James Ernst
In my article on "Roger Williams and the English
Revolution," R. I. H. S. C., \o\. XXIV, No. 1, January,
1931, I presented references to Roger Williams, his pam-
phlets and his religious and political ideas, discovered in
the Thomason Collection of Commonwealth pamphlets in
the British Xluseum. I have some additional references
which may be of help in making clearer his relationships in
the New England colonies and aid in estimating the influ-
ence of Mr. Williams and his writings in bringing on the
English Revolution of 16-1-8.
The material of this article is presenteci with the hope
of supplementing and enforcing the statements and con-
clusions of my article of Januar\', 1931, and for this pur-
pose IS arranged in four groups: ( 1 ) references to Mr.
Williams, his pamphlets and ideas; ( 2 ) names of probable
associates during his stay in England from 1651 to 1654;
(3) pamphlets published to discredit his mission work
aniong the Indians; and (4) references to Mr. Williams
and his writings sent to me by Professor William Haller of
Barnard College, New York City.
T/ie BIoHciy Teuent of Perseciit'ioii for the Cause of
Conscience by Roger Williams appeared in London, July
15, 1644. Parliament by the advice of the Assembly of
Divines ordered on August 9 that The Bloudx Teiiefit be
burned bv the public hangman. (See R. I. H. S. C, \'ol.
XXI\', January, 1931, pp. 9-12.) In his Antapologla
Rev. Thomas Edwards, one of the leading Scottish divines,
on July 13, 1644, quoted on page 49, Master Cotton^ s
ROGKR WILLIAMS AND J Hi: EXCLISH RiaOLUTlOX 119
Letter Examined by Roger Williams, and on page 289
referred to Cotton's "Letter to Roger Williams." He
further remarked on page 165 that Parliament might with
profit take over the New England method of persecution
against the Sectaries, referring to the persecutions as if
they were commonly known in England; that Parliament
might
"Justly have dealt with \ou, as the Magistrates in New
England did with Mr. Williams and the Antinomians,
Faniilists and Anabaptists there, and yet have said they
punished you not for your consciences, nor because of such
opinions but because your opinions, ways and practices
were an occasion of much hurt to the commonw^ealth, a
breach of civil peace."
In September, 1644, William Prynne of Lincoln's Inn,
Esq., in Twelve Considerable Serious Questions touching
Church Government (E-257. Br. Mus.) asked the Inde-
pendents, and especially Roger W^illiams and Goodwin,
Nye, Simpson, etc.:
"Whether that independent government which some
contend for, if positively and fully agreed on, and laid
down without disguises, and then freely pondered in the
balance of scripture or right reason, be not of its own nature
a very seminary of schism and dangerous divisions in
Church, and State? A bloudy plea to let in an inundation of
all manner of heresies, errors, sects, religions, destructive
opinions, Libertinism and lawlessness among us, w^ithout
any sufficient means of preventing or suppressing them
when introduced? Whether the final result of it ( as Master
Williams in his late dangerous, Licentious Book [ Marginal
note has A Bloudy Tenent\ determines) will not really
resolve it self into this detestable conclusion: That every
man, whether he be Jew, Turk, Pagan, Papist, Arminian,
Anabaptist, etc., ought to be left to his own free liberty of
conscience, without any coercion or restraint, to embrace
and publicly to profess what religion, opinion, church,
government, he pleaseth, and conceiveth to be truest.
120 RHODE ISLAXD HISTORICAL SOCIETY
thought never so erronious, false, seditious, detestable in
itself:"
"And whether such a government as this ought to be
embraced, much less established among us ( the sad effects
whereof we have already experimentally felt, by the late
dangerous increase of many Anabaptistical, Antinomian,
Heretical, Atheisticall opinions etc. . . lately breached,
preached and printed ... r "
That same month Mr. Prynne published a defense of the
National Church in the Independency Examined (E-257)
calling the Independent ideas, "Some Independent new-
minted objections." He hoped to convince, and reconcile
them to the State-Church, claiming that in their "new form
of government" the "Independents have not yet discovered
to the world the full truth of what they assert." Adam
Stewart in To M. S. Alias Two Brethren, October 3, 1644,
( E-20 ) and an anonymous writer in Faces A bout , October
21, (E-13), take the Independents severely to task for
their dangerous opinions which they find so confusing and
can not clearly distinguish from the Puritans of the more
conservative groups.
After the burning of The Bloudy Tenent by order of
Parliament, the principles of toleration, full liberty of
conscience, and rights of the individual were being discussed
with ever more vehemence and bitterness. The "Well-
wishers to Man" rose to a vigorous defence of the liberty of
"heresies, blasphemies and sedition." Defenders of the
principles so forcibly proclaimed by Mr. Williams came
forward with a noble courage. Most of them prudently
avoided a direct mention of W^illiams, even though they
borrowed copiously and paraphrased freely from his writ-
ings. Among these writers were John Goodwin in M. S. to
A.S., May 3, (E-45) ; Theomachia, September 2, ( E-12) ;
John the Baptist . . . or, A Necessity of Liberty of Con-
science, September 23, (E-12)5 Innocencies Triumph,
October 26fE-14); Henry Burton in A Vindication of
Churches Commonly Called Independents, November,
kOGER WILLIAMS AND THK ENGLISH REVOLUTION 121
(E- 1 7 ) j and Hez. Woodward in Inquiries into Our Miser-
ies, December, (E-22). In ./ Reply of the Tzvo Brethren
to A. S.y presumably by Philip Nye and Sidrach Simpson,
the authors came forward in defense of their associate
Roger Williams. John Saltmarsh in Dcizvnin^s of Light,
January 4, 1645, (E-1 168(3), under the section discussing
"Liberty Improved" presented Twelve points many of
which appear in the phraseology of The Bloudy Tenent.
A Short Anszver to A. S., the second part of Duply,
February 1645 (E-271), page 30, has a reference to The
Bloudy Tenent.
In Certain Brief Observations and Antiqueries on Master
Prin's Tzvelve Questions, October 4, (E-10), "A Well-
wisher" has a marginal note on Roger Williams, page 5,
dealing with Prynne's third query: "In this querie he
quotes a saying in a Booke called The Bloudy Tenent which
was written by one as contrary to this as the Indep^endents
as he is to the Presbyterians and they utterly disavow the
Booke." Henry Burton gave an Anszver to Mr. WilUain
Prynne^s Tzxelve Questions, November, ( E-I15 ), and as
friend of Roger Williams and Sir Henry Vane came out in
defense of full liberty of conscience: "I know the permitting
of so many different opinions in a country is usually objected
to as a Bug-bear of all confusion and a disturber in the
Civil State . . . Why should it breed greater confusion or
decompose the civil peace of England by permitting an
English Lutheran, Brownist, Antinomian, Anabaptist, Jew,
Turk or others, more than if they were of another nation:"
He continued, "I find no national church in the New Testa-
ment but several Independent ones." The ideas of the eight
queries on pages 24-25 were most fully expressed for first
time in The Bloudy Tenent on July 1 5.
On October 19, 1644, Mr. Prynne made .1 Full Reply,
fE-257), to the Independents and Sectarians giving a
survey of the grounds of the controversy since the appear-
ance of The Apologetical Narration by the Five Brethren
early in 1644 and including A Reply of the Tzco Brethren
122 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
to A. S. He severely condemned the ideas of full liberty of
conscience and separation of church and state, and fully
agreed with the church and state policy of New England
for "excommunicating and banishing those who will not
submit unto it."
In December there appeared two pamphlets making
references to 7V/<? Bloudy Tenent. Charles Blackwood in
the Storming of Antichrist^ December 28, (E-22(15),
page 1 6, referred to the "Bloudy Tenent of Truth" quoting
from it in defense of absolute liberty of conscience. And
George Gillespie in W holesonie Severity Reconciled zvith
Christian Liberty^ December 16, (E-24), with "the chief
arguments and exceptions used in the Bloudy Tenent . . .
examined," discussed the leading pamphlets that appeared
in 1644 in defense of coniplete liberty of conscience and
separation of church and state. A few quotations from his
pamphlet indicates the position he gave to the Bloudy
Tenent :
"I find no material arguments in him for liberty of
conscience, but what I found in the Bloudy Tenent, the
Compassionate Samaritan and M. S. to A. S."
In the Preface he said: "So liberty of conscience is a
sweet and taking word among the less discernnig sort of
godly people newly come out of the house of bondage, out
of the popish and Prelatical typranny 5 I say the less discern-
ing sort, because those of the godly who have their senses
exercised to discern good and evil know that liberty of
heresie and schism is not part of liberty of conscience." On
page 2, appears this objection: "that the magistrate ought
not to inflict any punishment nor put forth any coercive
power upon heretics or sectaries but on the contrary grant
them liberty and toleration . . . the very same is maintained
in some books printed ... in this year of conclusion, viz:
The Bloudy Tenent 5 Liberty of Conscience; The Com-
passionate Samaritan; John the Baptist; and Mr. Good-
win in his Theomachia, p. 50, and in his Innocencies
Triumph, p. 8." On page 12 appears this statement: "The
ROGER Wir.I.IAMS AND IHl-: ENGLISH REVOLUTIOX 123
most arrant maglignant answer in the words of Mr. Wil-
liams, Chap. 1 ()9-"Ci\il power or State of Israel was merely
hfi-urativ'e" in the Old Testament. Mr. Williams and the
Bloudy Tenent are mentioned on pages 13, 15, 16, 17, and
30^ and on page 18, is this significant quotation: "Christ's
ordinances put upon a whole city or a nation may more
civilize and moralize, but never Christianize them: says
Mr. Williams, Chap. 82."
The attitude of Gillespie and those other pamphleteers
who opposed and condemned the Independents and Sec-
taries and defended Parliament and xA.ssembly of Divines is
perhaps most clearly expressed in these word from George
Gillespie: complete liberty of conscience and the doctrines
of the sectaries is a "pernicious, God-provoking, Truth-
defacing, church ruinating, etc., state-shaking toleration.
The plain English of the question is. Whether the Chris-
tian magistrate be keeper of both Tables:"
In order fully to appreciate the influence of Roger
Williams in England it is necessary to have a more precise
knowledge of his acquaintances and associates and friends.
In 1671 Roger Williams wrote to John Cotton Jr., about
an incident which took place during his second visit to
England 1651-1654: "That excellent servant of God, Mr.
John Owen, ( called Dr. Owen ) told me before the General,
who sent for me about that very business," explained Mr.
Williams about the discussion they had of the Bloudy
Tenet Washed White by John Cotton in 164-7," that
before I landed himself and many others had answered Mr.
Cotton's book already."
Christopher Feake and Mr. Greenhill are known to
have been closely associated with Mr. Williams during both
his visits to England. In Dissatisfaction Satisfied y Decem-
ber 22, 1653, (E-725) pages 17-18, John Goodwin pre-
sents a list of men who most probably were associates of
Williams on his second visit; he states that "Mr. John
Simpson, Mr. William Greenhill, Mr. Thomas Brooks,
124 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Mr. Hanserd Knollys, Mr. T. Harrison, Mr. Christopher
Feake, Mr. Richard Wallaston, Mr. Henry Jesse with
several others ... in November, 1651" subscribed to the
principles of people's sovereignty and separation of church
and state. Roger Williams arrived in London about Christ-
mas time 1651, and we know that he at once became a
member of the republican groups of London.
The ministers and magistrates of the United Colonies
in New England soon discovered that their "Sunshine"
pamphlets on Indian conversions were not sufficient to
eradicate the belief in England that they were not prose-
cuting their mission work with enough zeal. Consequently
they published several more pamphlets on Indian missions
for the English reading public. These pamphlets had a
three-fold aim: to praise their own mission work among
the Indians; to prove the statements of Mr. Williams in
1643-1644 false and slanderous in English eyesj and to
discredit the mission work of Roger Williams and his
fellow-colonists on the Narragansett Bay. The pamphlets
created a double falsehood, by giving a distorted view of
their own mission work and by making untrue statements
about Williams and his fellow-colonists.
Three pamphlets published under the auspices of the
"Corporation for Propagating the Gospel in New Eng-
land, Coopers Hall, London" and edited by Rev. Henry
Whitfield, late of New England, are of interest in this
sinister and rather unChristlike purpose of the New
England clergy: Tlie Light Appearing More and More
tozvards a Perfect Day, February, 1651 ( E-624) ; Strength
out of Weakness, August 4, 1652 (E-673); and Tear
of Repentance y May 21, 1653 (E-697). The only part of
the pamphlets of interest here is that which strives to
propagate a false view of the Indian mission work of the
settlers on the Narragansett Bay. In the first pamphlet
appears this statement by Eliot on page 23: "I advised
with Mr. Cotton and others . . . and this I propounded
ROGER WILLIAMS AXD THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION 125
. . . they shall he wholly governed by the Scriptures in all
things both in Church and State 3 they shall have no other
law-giver." In the second pamphlet, we are informed that
the covenant prepared for the Indians began: "We are the
sons of Adam 3 we and our forefathers have a long time
been lost in our sins." When Williams and others in Rhode
Island disagreed with this method of Indian conversion,
they fell under the curse of the United Colonies.
The Narragansett sachems did not receive Rev. Eliot
and other missionaries "well," but some of the subject
Indians did, "expressing likewise that they did not expect
their sachems would pray to God because they were so
proud." Eliot then condemned Gorton's company for being
an evil influence among the Indians, preventing their con-
version. Rev. William Leverich of Plymouth makes this
implied reference to Williams and his colony about "w^hat
singular conflicts I have met w^ithall in my travels amongst
our own countrymen, divers of them are transported with
their (though not singular) fancies, to the rejecting of all
churches and ordinances by a new cunning and . . . the
last but most pernicious plot of the Devil to undermine all
religion and introduce all Atheism and profaneness, if it
w^ere possible, together with which, I have observed a
spirit of Pharisaism and formality too, too evidently creep-
ing upon it." Although this is supposed to be an article on
Indian missions, its purpose needs no explanation.
Thomas Allen, formerly of New England, gives as his
testimony: "It seems that some of late have been so impu-
dently bold ( which I cannot sufiiciently w^onder at ) as to
report and publickly afiirm that there was no such thing as
preaching and dispensing of the Gospel among the natives
of New England . . . That there is such a WH)rk in hand
in New England . . . all the magistrates and ministers
and people in that place (Who know^ anvthing) will be
ready to attest" (See R. I. H. S. C. Vol. XXIV, No. 1,
pp. -ioff, and -1-9-54). Among the other persons who gave
their testimony in praise of Rev. John Eliot and against
126 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Roger Williams are Rev. John Eliot, John Enciicott, John
Wilson, who mentions Eliot 1 7 times in 5 pages, Anthony
Bessey, Thomas Mayhew, and William French.
Roger Williams, who was then in England, read these
pamphlets when they came off the press. Cromwell, Bail-
lie, Edwards, Thoroughgood and many others made it
their special duty to confer with Mr. Williams about these
pamphlets, and the Indian mission work. Of this he gives a
hint in his letters. In 1654, soon after his return to Provi-
dence, Williams had occasion to intercede for the Indians
and pre\'ent a threatening Indian slaughter. He wrote to
the General Court of Massachusetts: "We have in these
parts a sound of your meditating of a war against these
natives ... At m\' last departure for England I was
importuned by the Narragansett sachems, and especially
by Ninigret, to present their petition to the high sachems
of England, that they might not be forced from their reli-
gion^ and for not changing their religion be invaded by
war; for they said they were daily visited by Indians that
came from about the Massachusetts that if they would not
pray they should be destroyed by war. With these peti-
tions I acquainted, in private discourses, divers of the chiefs
of our nation, and especially his Highness, who, in many
discourses I had with him, never expressed the least tittle
of displeasure, as hath been reported . . . and after hear-
ing of yourselves and us, it hath pleased his Highness and
Council to grant amongst other favors to this colony, some
expressly concerning the very Indians, the native inhabi-
tants of this jurisdiction."
"I pray it may be remembered . . . how all England
and other nations ring with the glorious conversion of the
Indians of New England. You know how many books are
dispersed throughout the nation on the subject ( in some of
them the Narragansett chief sachems are publicly branded
for refusing to pray and be converted ) ... all the pulpits
in England have been commanded to sound of this glori-
ous work ( I speaks not ironically, but only mention what
K(M;1-;K WILLIAMS AM) THK KXCLISH RK\'()LLTI()X 127
all the printed books mention), and that by the highest
command and authorit\' of Parliament, the church wardens
went from house to house to gather supplies for this
work." But unfortunately Roger Williams was to find
upon his return not a glorious con\'ersion, but instead the
four L'^niteci Colonies meditating an Indian war.
Professor William Haller of Barnard College, New
York Cit\', recenth' sent me a list of paniphlets containing
references to 77.v Bloudy Tenent^ with permission to
record them in the R. I. H. S. Collections. Most of the
works on the list sent by Professor Haller are in the McAl-
pin Collection of I'nion Seminar}'. I shall recorci his mate-
rial as he sent it to me. Six of the pamplets were published
in 1644: Herbert Palmer, Glass of GotPs Providence,
13 August. ''Some bookes . . . plead for Poper\', Judaisme,
Turcisme, Paganisme, and all manner of false Religions."
Thomas Hill, Sedson for EnglcDnPs Deepe- Refection,
13 Aug., "opening a doore . . . even for Jewes, Turkes,
anci any whomsoe\'er"; the marginal note says "See
Blooci}' Tenent." Anon, ( probabh" b\' someone in John
Goodwin's crowd, but neither Goodwin nor Henr\' Robin-
son) Certain brief e (jbservations^ 4 Oct., see p. 5: Mar-
gin— "a Booke calleci the Bloudy Tenefit.^^ The Independ-
ent disavows Williams. ( George Gillespie. See McAlpin
Catalogue ) A Late Dialogue, 30 Oct., cites Bloudy Ten-
ent — Co})ipassio>nite Saniaritane, John the Baptist , TJieo-
}}iac1ua.{ Henry Robinson ).\ns\j:er to M/-. William Prynn,
1 Nov., on page 27 recommends B. T. — Comp. Sam. — J.
the B. And Charles Blackwood, Stor/ning of .h/tichrist,
28 Dec, cites B. T., M. S. to A. S. and Theouiachia.
Five other pamphlets containing references to Mr. Wil-
liams were published in 1645: George Gillespie, 11 hole-
some Se-veritx Recon'iledy 8 Jan., Bloudy 'Penoit is men-
tioned in title and repeated at length in text. ( Henr\' Rob-
inson) Short A)isi:er to A. S. (Adam Stewart i 3 b'eb.,
refers to Bloudy Pe>ie)it on page 3(1. F.phraim Pagitt, I ler-
V
128 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
esiographyy 8 May, refers to the Bloiidy Tenent and also
to Milton. (Richard Overton) Sacred Decretal I, 31 May,
refers to the Bloudy Tenent in the opening pages. Richard
Baillie, Errours arid Indurations^ 30 July, uses the phrase
about Turks, Jews, etc. And Thomas Edwards, Casting
Doiim^ 28 July, 1647, has frequent references to the
Bloudy Tenent. (Professor Haller has identified Answer
to Mr. William Prynn and Short Answer to A. S. as the
works of Henry Robinson.)
No definitive conclusions on the influence of Roger Wil-
liams and his pamphlets in the English Civil War and
Revolution of 1 648 can as yet be drawn from the materials
presented in this article and that of R. I. H. S. C, Vol.
XXIV, January, 1931. A great deal of research in the
Commonwealth pamphlet collections of Union Seminary,
Yale, Oxford and Cambridge Universities and the British
Museum is still to be done before this question can be
finally decided. Nevertheless, the conclusion of Professor
Dunning may be tentatively accepted, that T/ie Bloudy
Tenent "derived its principles and its form from his Amer-
ican experience" and "expressed essentially the resolution
of a body of religious sectaries, . . '. and the fuller implica-
tions of the theory which the work embodied were revealed
in the political revolution which was effected in 1647-1648
by the Army."
Among the State Papers of the Public Record Ofiice,
London, Admiralty Commission 18, Vol. 115, No. 132,
appears a letter from Capt. Joseph Ames, Winsley, Spit-
head. The letter was sent to his Highness, Lord Protector
Cromwell, from Falmouth, on October 10, 1655. Capt.
Ames arrived the day before with twelve sails of New-
foundlanders and awaits orders. The letter to his High-
ness was accompanied "with a young deer that came from
Mr. Williams, President in Providence Plantations in
New-England."
129
New Publications of Rhode Island Interest
The Narrative of American Voyages of Captain William
Owen, R. N., which is printed in the March, 1931, issue
of the Bulletin of the Neve York Public Library, contains
ten pages relating to his visit to Rhode Island in August,
1767. Among other comments he wrote: "The private
people are cunning, deceitful and selfish" . . , , "Their
Magistrates are partial and corrupt j and it is folly to
expect justice in their Courts of Judicature" . . . , and
"Rhode Island used to be celebrated for the beauty of its
women ..."
Margaret Fuller, by Margaret Bell, with an introduc-
tion by Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt, is a volume of 320
pages recently issued by Charles Boni.
Antiques for April, 1931, contains an article with illus-
trations of some Rhode Island silver spoons.
A genealogy of the Niles family of Rhode Island
appears in the April, 1931, issue of the New England His-
torical and Genealogical Register.
The Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1929,
page 286, contains an account of the Gulf Stream, in which
it is related that because the Rhode Island sea captains of
about 1770 were acquainted with the course of the Gulf
Stream, they were abJe to make the westward trip across
the Atlantic in about two weeks less time than the English
packets.
The Society has obtained from the American Antiquarian
Society a photostat of a rare poem by Jemima Wilkinson^
entitled "A Wonderful Dream."
^See R. I. H. S. C, vol. XXIV p. 60.
130 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Bequest
Mr. \'ictor Will3our, for many \ears a member of the
Societ\% died on May 17, 1931. He left a bequest of
$20,000, to the Society, to be paid at the death of his
sister, and to be known as the Charles and Sarah Howe
Wilbour Fund, in memory of his grandparents.
Queen's Fort
Mr. Marsden J. Perry has generously presented to the
Society a tract of some iifty-three acres in North Kings-
town and Exeter, containing the famous Queen's Fort,
which is to be held by the Societ}' a> a permanent public
historic park.
Notes
The following persons ha\'e been admitted to n^ember-
ship in the Societ}':
I\Irs. foshua M. Addcman Mr. Ernest A. Harris
Mrs. Wallace Campbell Rev. Anthony R. Parshley
IVIrs. Howard L. Anthony Mrs. Austin T. Levy
Mr. Emil G. Pieper Hon. Ernest L. Sprague
Mrs. William H. Hoffman Mrs. James A. Nealey
Mrs. Sarah Minchin Barker Miss Marv H. Parsons
Mr. Allan Forbes
ONE OF F1\F. Sll.VKR SPOON? MARKED A. M. L., FOR
ARNOLD AND MARY LEW IS OF EXE lER WHO WERE
MARRIED OCTOF.ER 10, 1S22.
These spoons were made out of coin silver by
Robert Reynolds of Exeter, R. 1., and were
rcccntlv presented to the Society by Miss Alice
P'rv of Willimantic, Connecticut.
132
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Heraldic Notes
BOWEN
Armorial tombstones mark the graves of Jabez Bowen
of Rehoboth, Mass., who died in 1 770, aged 74, and of his
wife, Huldah, who died in 1754. These stones are in the
old Rehoboth burial ground, near Rumford in East Prov-
idence. The arms are "A stag trippant pierced in the back
by an arrow," with the crest "A stag's head erased." The
carving on the stone in memory of Huldah is much more
obliterated by the ravages of time than the carving on
Jabez' stone.
Burke gives "Azure a stag argent with an arrow stuck in
the back and attired or" for the Bowens of Kittle Hill and
Swansea, co. Glamorgan, but with a different crest. Burke
also gives a variant coat "Gules a stag trippant argent
pierced in the back with an arrow and attired or" as granted
in 1812 to the Bowens of Milford, co. Mayo. The crest is
different, and the change of the field from azure to gules
was evidentlv "for difference."
HKRALDIC NOTES
133
The Jabez Bowen of this armorial tombstone was born
in 1696, the son of Dr. Richard Bowen (±1658-1736),
son of Thomas Bowen of Salem, son of Richard Bowen of
Rehoboth, who is said to have come from Swansea, co.
Glamorgan.
JONES
^
1
V
^
x'
^
William Jones, Senr., of Wellington in Great Britain,
died on September 26, 1 739, aged 59 years, and was buried
in what is now East Providence, where his grave is marked
by an armorial tombstone. The arms are "A stag statant
impaling a quartered coat, 1 and 4 per pale, 2 and 3 a
bend," with the crest "A stag's head."
Burke gives "Sable a buck passant argent attired or" for
the Jones of Esthall, co. Oxford, 1634, descended from
the Jones of co. Flint, and "Sable a stag standing at gaze
argent, attired and unguled or" for the Jones of co. Mon-
mouth. The three crests differ. Apparently "Sable a stag
argent" was the parent coat of one family of Jones of
Wales.
134
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
List of Active Members of the Rhode Island
Historical Society.
June, 1931.
Mrs. Joshua M. Addeman
Mr. David C. Adclmaa
Mr. Frederick W. Aldred
Mr. Charles T. Aldrich
Mr. Edward K. Aldrich, Jr.
Miss Lucy T. Aldrich
Hon. Richard S. Aldrich
Mr. Francis O. Allen
Mr. Frederick W. Allen
Mr. Philip Allen
Miss Ada Almy
Miss Anna L. Andrews
Mr. Walter F. Angell
Mrs. Howard L. Anthony
Mrs. Everard Appleton
Mr. John B. Archer
Mr. Arthur H. Armington
Miss Maude E. Armstrong
Mrs. Edward E. Arnold
Mr. Frederick W. Arnold
Miss Mittie Arnold
Mr. James H. Arthur
Mr. Donald S. Babcock
Mr. Albert A. Baker
Mrs. Charles K. Baker
Mr. Harvev A. Baker
Mr. J. Wil'lard Baker
Miss Marv H. Balch
Mrs. Walter S. Ball
Mr. Frederick D. Ballou
Rev. Clarence A. Barbour
Mrs. Sarah Minchin Barker
Harry Lee Barnes, M.D.
Miss Sarah Dyer Barnes
Miss Hattie B. Barns
Mr. Fred H. Barrows
W. Lincoln Bates, M.D.
Mr. Earl G. Batty
Mrs. Daniel Beckwith
Mrs. Herbert G. Becde
Mr. Horace G. Belcher
Mr. Horatio E. Bellows
Mr. Bruce M. Bigelow
Mr. George E. Bixby
Mr. Zenas W. Bliss '
Mrs. Edward W. Blodgett
G. Alder Blumer, M.D.
Mr. J. J. Bodell
Mrs. Theodore P. Bogert
Harold Bowditch, M.D.
Mrs. Charles Bradlcv
Mr. Claude R. Branch
Mr. John B. Branch
Mrs.' William C. H. Brand
Miss Alice Brayton
Miss Elizabeth H. Brayton
Miss Ida F. Bridgham
Mr. Herbert O. Brigham
Miss Eva St. C. Brightman
Mrs. Clarence A. Brouwer
Mr. Clarence Ir\'ing Brown
Mr. C^TUS P. Brown
Mr. Frank Hail Brown
Mrs. Frank Hail Brown
Miss Isabel R. Brown
Mr. John Nicholas Brown
Madelaine R. Brown, M.D.
Mr. Wilbur D. Brown
Mr. Alfred S. Brownell
Mr. Edward C. Bucklin
Mr. Harris H. Bucklin
Miss Clara Buffum
Mr. Frederick H. Buffum
Mrs. William P. Buffum
LIST OF MKMBKRS
135
Mr. Henr\- Bukcr
Mr. Edward |. C. Bullock
Mrs. Edward" j. C. Bullock
Mrs. George S. Bullock
Mr. George Rothwcll Burgess
Mr. Edwin A. Burlingame
IVIr. Ra\mond Buss
Mr. Alfred T. Butler
Miss Irene B. Butler
Mr. G. Edward Buxton
Mr. John H. Cady
Mrs. Charles A. Calder
Miss Helen G. Calder
Frank T. Calef, M.D.
Mr. Herbert C. Calef
Mr. Walter R. Callender
Mrs. Walter R. Callender
Mrs. Wallace Campbell
Mr. Thomas B. Card
Mrs. George W. Carr
Mr. Edward Carrington
Mr. William Carroll
Mrs. Marion P. Carter
Miss Anna H. Chace
Mr. Malcolm G. Chace
Mr. Henry S. Chafee
Mrs. Everitte S. Chaffee
Prof. Robert F. Chambers
Mr. Arthur D. Champlin
Mr. George B. Champlin
Mr. George Allen Chandler
Miss Anna Chapin
Charles W Chapin, M.D.
Mrs. Charles \'. Chapin
Mr. Howard M. Chapin
Mrs. Howard M. Chapin
Mr. William P. Chapin
Mr. Frederic L. Chase
Julian A. Chase, M.D.
Edmund D. Chesebro, M.D.
Mr. Albert W. Claflin
Mrs. Edward S. Clark
Mr. Prescott O. Clarke
Mr. l-'ugcne A. Clauss
Prof. Theodore Collier
Mrs. Clarkson A. Collins, Jr.
Mr. James C. Collins
Mr. Edward L. Coman
Mr. Jonathan F. Comstock
Mrs. W. A. H. Comstock
Mr. Walter J. Comstock
Mr. William P. Comstock
Mr. Charles D. Cook
Mrs. Charles D. Cook
Mr. Albert B. Coulters
Mr. Ernest S. Craig
Prof. \ erner W. Crane
Mr. Frank H. Cranston
George H. Crooker, M.D.
Mr. Harry Parsons Cross
Frank Anthony Cummings, M.D.
Mrs. Frank Anthony Cummings
Prof. S. Foster Damon
Murray S. Danforth, M.D.
Mrs. Murray S. Danforth
Miss Edith R. Danielson
Mr. William C. Dart
Mr. David Davidson
Mr. Foster B. Davis
Miss Marv Elliott Davis
Mrs. R. C. Davis
Mr. Charles J. Davol
Mr. Herbert R. Dean
Mrs. Thomas Hart deCoudres
Prof. Edmund B. Delabarre
Mr. Paul C. DeWolf
Miss Alice S. Dexter
Miss Eunice W. Dexter
Mr. Henry C. Dexter
Miss Louise Diman
Mr. Fred Morton Dixon, Jr.
Mrs. Harriet M. F. Dixon
Mr. Michael F. Dooley
Mr. liOuis W. Downes
Mrs. Louis W. Downes
Mr. Robert T. Downs
Mr. Charles L. Drown
Mr. David Duncan
Mr. Henry A. Du\"illard
Miss Margarethe L. Dwight
136
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Mr. H. Anthony Dyer
Mr. William Allan Dyer
Mr. Charles G. Easton
Mr. Frederick W. Easton
Mr. Alfred U. Eddy
Mr. Cyrus T. Eddy
Miss Isabel Eddy
Mr. William Holden Eddy
Miss Harriet C. Edmonds
Miss Edith Edwards
Mr. Walter Angell Edwards
Mr. James Elgar
Mr. William Ely
Mr. Frank W. Emerson
Mr. Robert S. Emerson
Mr. Ralph C. Estes
Mr. William Wood Estes
Mrs. William Wood Estes
Mr. Walter F. Farrell
Mr. Henry A. Fifield
Mrs. Irving Fisher
Mr. Augustus H. Fiske
Mrs. Charles Fletcher
Mr. Elliot Flint
Hon. William S. Flynn
Mrs. Lawrence B. Fogarty
Mr. Allan Forbes
Mr. John R. P. Foster
Mrs. George H. Fowler
Mrs. Austen G. Fox
Mr. Hovey T. Freeman
Mr. John R. Freeman
Mr. Joseph W. Freeman
Hon. G. Frederick Frost
Mr. William Congdon Fry
Mr. Frederick H. Fuller
Mr. R. Clinton Fuller
Frank T. Fulton, M.D.
Mme. Annita Gaburri
Hon. Joseph H. Gainer
Mrs. Robert Ives Gammell
Mr. William Gammell
Mr. William Gammell, Jr.
Miss Abbie P. Gardner
George W. Gardner, M.D.
Prof. Henry B. Gardner
Mrs. John T. Gardner
Mr. Preston H. Gardner
Mr. Rathbone Gardner
Mr. Daniel F. George
Mrs. Louis C. Gerry
Hon. Peter G. Gerry
Mrs. Peter G. Gerry
Mrs. Alice C. Gleeson
Mr. Robert H. I. Goddard
Rabbi Israel M. Goldman
Mr. George T. Gorton
Mr. Harry Hale Goss
Mr. Eugene S. Graves
Mrs. Eugene S. Graves
Mr. Theodore Francis Green
Mr. Edward Aborn Greene
Miss Esther F. Greene
Mrs. Joseph Warren Greene
Mr. Thomas C. Greene
Mr. Ralph M. Greenlaw
Mr. William B. Greenough
Mr. Russell Grinnell
Mr. E. Tudor Gross
Mrs. Harold J. Gross
Hon. |. Jerome Hahn
Mr. John W. Haley
Mr. Ellery A. Hall
Miss Annette M. Ham
Mrs. Livingston Ham
Mrs. Albert G. Harkness
Mr. Gilbert A. Harrington
Mr. Benjamin P. Harris
Mr. Ernest A. Harris
Miss Mary A. Harris
Mr. Stephen C. Harris
Mr. Everett S. Hartwell
N. Darrell Harvey, M.D.
Mr. William A. Hathaway
Mr. Edward Northup Hay
Miss Caroline Hazard
Mr. Rowland Hazard
Mr. Thomas G. Hazard, Jr.
Mr. Charles F. Heartman
Mrs. W. E. Hcathcote
LIST OF MEMBERS
137
Mr. Bcrnon K. Hclme
Mr. Arthur Henius
Mr. John Henshaw
Mr. Joseph G. Henshaw
Miss Mary G. Henshaw
Mr. Robert W. Herrick
Mr. G. Burton Hibhert
Mr. William A. Hill
Mr. Frank L. Hinckley
Mr. Sumner W. Hinds
Mr. William L. Hodgman
Mrs. William L. Hodgman
Mrs. William H. Hoffman
Mrs. John S. Holbrook
Mr. George J. Holden
Mr. Charles A. Horton
Mr. E. Harris Howard, Jr.
Mr. Frederic W. Howe
Mr. M. A. DeWolfe Howe
Mr. Wallis E. Howe
Mrs. Richard G. Howland
Mrs. William Erwin Hoy
Mrs. George H. Huddy, Jr.
Mr. Sidney D. Humphrey
Mr. Horatio A. Hunt
Mr. S. Foster Hunt
Mrs. Duncan Hunter
Mr. George Hurley
Mr. James H. Hurley
Mr. Richard A. Hurley
Mr. James Hazen Hyde
Mr. William S. Innis
Mr. Norman M. Isham
Mr. Benjamin A. Jackson
Mrs. Donald E. Jackson
Mr. Thomas A. Jenckes
Mr. George A. Jepherson
Mrs. Edward L. Johnson
George F. Johnson, M.D,
Mr. William L. Joyce
Dr. Lewis H. Kalloch
Mr. Francis B. Keeney
Mrs. Ellsworth L. Kelley
Mr. Howard R. Kent
Mr. H. Earle Kimball
Eugene P. King, M.D.
Mrs. Eugene P. King
Mr. Victor H. King
Lucius C. Kingman, M.D.
Mr. C. Prescott Knight
Mrs. C. Prescott Knight
Mr. C. Prescott Knight, Jr.
Mrs. C. Prescott Knight, Jr.
Mr. Robert L. Knight
Mrs. Robert L. Knight
Mr. Russell W, Knight
Mrs. Webster Knight
Mrs. Rhea L. M. Knittle
Prof. Harry L. Koopman
Mr. John Krawczuk
Mrs. Henry S. Lanpher
Mrs. Dana Laurence
Mr. George R. Lawton
Charles H. Leonard, M.D.
Miss Grace F. Leonard
Miss Anna L. Lestrade
Mrs. Austin T. Leyy
Mr. George H. Lewis
Mr. Joseph W. Lewis
Mr. Ferdinand A. Lincoln
Mrs. Charles Warren Lippitt
Mr. Charles Warren Lippitt
Mrs. Frances Pomeroy Lippitt
Mr. Gorton T. Lippitt
Hon. Henry F. Lippitt
Mr. Arthur B. Lisle
Mrs. Arthur B. Lisle
Mr. Alden L. Littlefield
Mr. Charles W. Littlefield
Mr. h-ory Littlefield
Rey. Augustus M. Lord
Mr. Dayid B. Loycll, Jr.
Mr. Albert E. Lownes
Mr. Harold C. Lyman
Mr. Richard E. Lyman
Mr. William A. McAuslan
Mrs. William A. McAuslan
Rey. Lorenzo C. McCarthy
Mr. James R. MacColl
Mr. William B. MacColl
138
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Mr. Arthur M. McCrillis
Miss Grace E. Macdonald
Mr. T. F. I. McDonnell
Mrs. T. F. I. McDonnell
Mr. Benjamin M. MacDougall
Mr. Charles B. Mackinney
Mrs. Herbert E. Maine
Mrs. William L. Manchester
Mr. Charles C. Marshall
Mr. Edgar W. Martin
Mrs. John F. Marvel
Mr. Fletcher S. Mason
Mr. Harold Mason
Mr. John H. Mason
Mrs. William B. Mason
Mrs. George S. Mathews
Mr. Archibald C. Matteson
Mr. Frank W. Matteson
Mr. William L. Mauran
Mrs. William L. Mauran
Mrs. Frank Everitt Maxwell
Mr. Harry V. Mayo
Rev. Charles A. Meader
Mr. W. Granville Meader
Mrs. Paul A. Merriam
Mrs. Charles H. Merriman
Mrs. E. Bruce Merriman
Mr. Harold T. Merriman
Mr. I. B. Merriman
Mrs. I. B. Merriman
Mrs. E. T. H. Metcalf
Mr. G. Pierce Metcalf
Mr. Houghton P. Metcalf
Mrs. I. Harris Metcalf
Hon. Jesse H. Metcalf
Mrs. Jesse H. Metcalf
Mr. Stephen O. Metcalf
Lt. Col. Willis C. Metcalf
Mr. William Davis Miller
Mrs. William Davis Miller
Mr. George L. Miner
Hon. Louis Monast
Mr. G. A. Moriarty, Jr.
Mrs. Bentley W. Morse
Mr. Jarvis M. Morse
Mr. Edward S. Moulton
Mrs. Edward S. Moulton
William M. Muncy, M.D.
Walter L. Munro, M.D.
Prof. Wilfred H. Munro
Mr. Addison P. Munroe
Mrs. Addison P. Munroe
Mr. Walter M. Murdie
Mrs. James A. Nealev
Mr. Barnes Newberry
Mr. George P. Newell
Mr. Louis C. Newman
Mrs. Louis C. Newman
Miss Eliza Taft Newton
Mr. Roger Hale Newton
Mr. Paul C. Nicholson
Mr. Samuel M. Nicholson
Mr. Elmer D. Nickerson
Ira Hart Noyes, M.D.
Miss Marv Olcott
Mrs. Frank F. Olney
Mr. Erling C. Ostbv
Mr. Harald W. Ostby
Mr. Raymond E. Ostby
Mr. Harry C. Owen
Mr. Frederick A. Paige
Rev. Anthony R. Parshlev
Mr. G. Richmond Parsons
Mrs. G. Richmond Parsons
Miss Mar^- H. Parsons
H. G. Partridge, M.D.
Mr. Frederick S. Peck
Mrs. Frederick S. Peck
Mr. Stephen L Peck
Mrs. F. H. Peckham
Kathcrine F. Peckham, M.D.
Mr. Augustus R. Peirce
Mr. Clarence E. Peirce
Mr. George E. Peirce
Mrs. George E. Peirce
Mr. John P. B. Peirce
Mr. Thomas A. Peirce
Mr. Charles M. Perry
Mr. Howard B. Perry
Rt. Rev. James DeWolf Perry
HERALDIC XOTKS
139
Mr. Marsdcn |. Pcrrv
John M. Peters, M.D.
Mr. Albert N. Peterson
Mr. Arthur L. Philbrick
Mr. Charles H. Philbrick
Mrs. Frank N. Phillips
Mrs. Gilbert A. Phijlips
Mr. F.mil G. Pieper
Mr. Byron A. Pierce
Mr. Thomas L. Pierce
Herman C. Pitts, M.D.
Mr. Albert H. Poland
Mrs. William H. Poole
Lewis B. Porter, M.D.
Prof. Albert K. Potter
Dr. Arthur M. Potter
Mr. B. Thomas Potter
Mrs. Dexter B. Potter
Mrs. T. I. Hare Powel
Mr. Howard W. Preston
Mrs. Howard W. Preston
Mr. Robert S. Preston
Miss Kvelvn M. Purdv
Helen C. Putnam, M.D.
Mr. Patrick H. Quinn
Mrs. George R. Ramsbottom
Mr. Walter E. Ranger
Mrs. C. K. Rathbone
Hon. l^lmer j. Rathbun
Mr. George H. Raymond
Mrs. Irving E. Raymond
Mrs. Charles O. Read
Mrs. Joseph H. Regcster
Mr. Charles C. Remington
Rhode Island State College
Mr. Dana Rice
Mr. Herbert W. Rice
Mr. John B. Richards
Gen. John J. Richards
Miss Louise Richardson
Mr. Hcnrv Isaac Richmond
Mrs. George W. H. Ritchie
Mr. Leonard M. Robinson
Mr. Louis ]'",. Robinson
Mr. Robert Rodman
Rev. Arthur Rogers
Mrs. Mabel K. Rogers
Mr. Henry W. Sackett
Mr. Kenneth Shaw Safe
Mrs. T. Shaw Safe
Mrs. Harold P. Salisbury
Mr. Henry Salomon
Mr. Henrv T. Samson
Mrs. G. Coburn Sanctuary
Mrs. David S. Seaman
Mr. Henrv M. Sessions
Prof. RobcTt F. Seybolt
Mrs. Walter F. Seymour
Miss Ellen D. Sharpe
Mr. Henry D. Sharpe
Mrs. Frederick E. Shaw
Mrs. George St. J. Sheffield
Mrs. Arthur N. Sheldon
Mr. Edward A. Sherman
Mr. Edwin F. Sherman
Mr. Harry B. Sherman
Mrs. Arthur F. Short
Mrs. Philip B. Simonds
Prof. St. George L. Sioussat
Mrs. Charles Sisson
Mr. George Paul Slade
Mrs. Ruthven T. Slade
Mr. William A. Slade
Mr. Henry L. Slader
Mrs. Bvron N. H. Smith
Edgar B. Smith, M.D.
Mrs. Edwin C. Smith
Joseph Smith, M.D.
Mr. Nathaniel W. Smith
R. Morton Smith, M.D.
Mr. Walter B. Smith
Mr. Ward E. Smith
Mrs. Whitney Smith
Mr. Sylvester M. Snow
Mr. Robert L. Spencer
Mr. William A. Spicer
Hon. Ernest L. Sprague
Mrs. Frank J. Sprague
Mrs. James G. Staton
Hon. Charles F. Stearns
140
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Mr. Walter H. Stearns
Mrs. Charles J. Steedman
Mr. Thomas E. Steere
Mr. Oscar Frank Stetson
Mr. Frederick A. Stevens
Miss Maud Lyman Stevens
Mr. Edward Clinton Stiness
Mr. Henry Y. Stites
Mr. George A. Stone
Mr. Charles T. Straight
Mr. H. Nelson Street
Mr. Henry A. Street
Mr. John F. Street
Mr. Rush Sturges
Hon. Arthur P. Sumner
Mr. Frank H. Swan
IVIrs. Gardner T. Swarts
Hon. John W. Sweeney
Miss Louisa A. Sweetland
Mr. Robert W. Taft
Mr. Roval C. Taft
Benjam'in F. Tefft, M.D.
Mr. Charles F. Thatcher
Miss Jane Arnold Thomas
Mrs. J. P. Thorndike
Mrs. Frank W. Tillinghast
Mr. John A. Tillinghast
Mr. William R. Tillinghast
Louisa Paine Tingley, ^LD.
Mr. F. L. Titsworth
Mrs. William O. Todd
Mrs. Stacy Tolman
Mr. Frederick E. Tripp
Mr. William J. Tully
Mrs. Albert C. Tyler
Mr. D. Berkeley Updike
Mr. William H. \'anderbilt
Mr. William A. Mall
Hon. Walter B. \'incent
Mrs. Arthur M. Walker
Mr. A. Tingley Wall
Mrs. Maurice K. Washburn
Mr. Frederick \ . Waterman
Mrs. Lewis A. Waterman
Prof. Arthur E. Watson
Mr. Byron S. Watson
Mr. Edward L. Watson
Mr. John J. W^atson
Mr. 'W. L. Watson
Mrs. William B. Weeden
Mr. Edward H. Weeks
Mrs. Edward H. Weeks
Mr. Charles H. Welling
Mr. Richard Ward Greene Welling
Mr. Herbert j. Wells
Mr. John H.Wells
Mr. Thomas H. West, Jr.
Mrs. Elizabeth Nicholson White
Mr. Herbert O. White
Mr. Willis H. White
Mrs. Gerald Whitman
Mrs. Henrv A. Whitmarsh
Mr. Roy F'. Whitney
Mr. Frederick Bernays Wiener
Mr. Frank J. Wilder
Mrs. Elizabeth K. Wilkinson
W. Fred Williams, M.D.
Mr. Daniel L. Willmarth, Jr.
Miss Amev L. Willson
Mr. Percv J. Wilson
Mr. William A. Wing
Mr. Wilson G. Wing
Mrs. George P. Winship
Mrs. Augustus A. Wolf
Mrs. C. Howard Wood
Mr. Carlos G. Wright
Mr. Nathan M. Wright
Mr. Lawrence C. Wroth
\l-^ I.
Roger Williams Press PV^^^
t
E. A. Johnson Co.
)
PROVIDENCE
Rhode Island
isto1r:tgal Society
COLfeE-CTIONS
Vol. XXIV ' OCTOBER, 1931
No. 4
RUIXS OF THE WALL OF QUEEN S FORT.
Cnurlesy of the Providence Journal.
Issued Quarterly
68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island
CONTENIS
PAGE
Queen's Fort
by Howard M. Chapin .... 141
Notes 157
New Publications of Rhode Island Interest , 158
Port of Providence Clearance Bocjk, 1789 . . 161
Captain John Rous, R.N. . . . . .164
Steamboat Providence . . . . .172
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
VOL. XXIV
October, 1931
No. 4
Addison P. Munroe, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
Queen's Fort*
About a mile and a half northwest of Wickford Junc-
tion on the North Kingstown and Exeter boundary line,
three quarters of a mile south of the southern line of the
Town of East Greenwich, rises precipitously a steep wooded
knoll. On top of this knoll, which reaches a height of 372
feet above sea level, the highest point in North Kingstown,
are the ruins of an old stone wall. Originally this rather
crudely made stone wall must have stood three of four
feet high, but the ravages of time, perhaps assisted by
human vandalism, have to a large extent demolished the
wall. Enough of the stones however remain in place, with
the fallen stones heaped about them, to identify the lines
*Queen's Fort was recently presented to the Rhode Island Historical
Society by Marsden J. Pcrrv, Esq.
142 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
of the former fortifications. For this dilapidated stone wall
was formerly part of the defences of a mysterious old fort
whose history is now lost in the mist of antiquity.
The knoll, which arises abruptly some forty feet above
the surrounding country, has an approximately level top,
along the edge of which the wall is built. From the south-
east the fort is protected by a natural formation, for that
side of the hill is covered with huge boulders which would
prevent an attack by an armed force of any size. These
boulders form a natural wall for about a hundred and sev-
enty feet. From the east end of the boulders the artificial
wall extends northerly some sixtv feet to what appears to
have been a sort of bastion. Thence the wall extends in a
northerly and westerlv direction to a large clump of boul-
ders on the north side of the hill. From the west side of
these boulders the wall continues westerly and south-
westerly about a hundred and twenty feet to another clump
of boulders. At one point in this section the original wall
seems to have been broken by an entrance, with a wall
extending northward on the east side of the entrance at
right angles to the main wall. From the second clump of
boulders the wall continues, irregularly as regards the
points of the compass, but in general southerly, to the west
end of the boulders at the south part of the hill. This sec-
tion of the wall is broken by two or three small clumps of
boulders, by a gully, by an entrance from the west, and by
one well-marked bastion and at its southern end by what
may be the remains of another bastion. This bastion, as well
as the other features noted, can be found clearly shown on
the Plan of Queen^s Fort^ drawn in November 1 865 by Mr.
Henry B. Hammond for the Rhode Island Historical Soci-
ety, and published on the cover of the October 1923 issue
of the Society's Collect'ionSy and opposite page 96 of
Sacliems of the N arra^ansetts. Roughly speaking the fort
might be said to be approximatelv an oval of about two
hundred feet by one hundred and fifty feet.
Elisha R. Potter, the tireless antiquary of the South
queen's fort 143
County, recorded the current traditions of his day in regard
to this fort and published his findings in 1835 in volume 3
of the Rhode Island Historical Society Collections. He
states ( p. 84) that this was the remains of an Indian Fort,
which in 1835 was "still known by the name of Queen* s
Fort.** Potter continues: "There is a hollow in the rock,
which has been always known as the Queen's bedroom, and
a large room, the entrance of which is nearly concealed, and
which is supposed from tradition, to have been a hiding-
place for the Indians, and in which arrows &c. have been
often found. It stands on land now owned by the Northups,
f ormerlv bv the Wilkies, and is sometimes called the Wilky
fort."
This reference to Queen's Fort by Potter is a footnote
to his account of the march of the colonial army through
"the country of the Old Squaw Queen." His account
consists of a rewording of the account in an anonymous
pamphlet printed in 1676, entitled .1 Continuation of the
State of Ne-zv England, being a farther account of the
Indian War, to which he specifically refers, together with
some items from Hubbard.
Hubbard, referring to the march of December 19 wrote:
"Thus ha\'ing waded fourteen or fifteen Mile through
the Country of the old Queen, or Sunke Squaw of Narha-
ganset ; they canie at o\\*i a clock upon the Edg of the
Swamp, ..."
The anonymous author of the Continuation, referred to
above, was somewhat confused for he gi\'es Saturday
December 19, 1675 as the date of Captain Prentice's
expedition to "//;<? Narragansett Dwellings" which he sub-
sequently called "the Narragansett Country (or Town,)."
Saturday did not fall on December 19, but on December
1 8, which it later appears is the date intended. His account
runs that the\' "marched towards the Narragansett Coun-
try (or Town) where finding no Indians, the\' were at a
stand, not knowing which way to go in pursuit of the
I>idia)is, but howe\ er during their stay, their Capt. Pren-
144 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
tice, with his company discovered some place under ground,
wherein was Indian corn laid up in store by them: this
encouraged them to look further j whereupon in their
search they found several good quantities of that grain in
like manner, which afterwards was conveyed to the gar-
ison." This expedition, according to the anonymous writer,
took place on the Saturday before the Great Swamp Fight,
so on December 18, apparently during the march of the
main army from Cocumcussoc to Pettaquamscutt. If the
date of the expedition is correct, it was the second trip
made by Captain Prentice to the Indian village of the old
Queen, for on December 14 an attack was made on this
village, as is shown by the following contemporary
accounts.
Joseph Dudley writing from "Mr, Smith's" on Decem-
ber 15, wrote, ^ "We have burned two of their Towns, viz:
Ahmus who is this summer come down amongst them & the
old Queens quarters consisting of about 150, many of them
large, wigwams & seized & slayn 50 persons in all our
prisoners being about 40".
Hubbard wrote in 1677 "Two Dayes after, Decemb.
14th, five Files of men sent out under Serjeant Bennet and
another, upon the Scout, kill'd one Man and one Woman,
and brought in four more by one of the Clock: the whole
company marched after into some of the Sachim's Country,
where they burnt an hundred and fifty Wigwams, killed
seven of the Enemy, and brought in eight Prisoners, when
they returned at Night."
The anonymous pamphlet, already quoted, states that
"they had taken SS Indians killed 10 more and burnt 150
wigwams, with the loss of four of our men and as many
wounded. This exploit was performed by Captain Pren-
tice, a Captain of the Horse".
James Oliver writing" on January 26, said "Dec. 14th,
^Bodge, 3d Edit., p. 192.
^Bodge, 3d Edit., p. 174.
queen's fort 145
our general went out with horse and foot, I with my com-
pany was left to keep garrison. I sent out 30 of my men to
scout abroad, who killeci two Indians, and brought in four
prisoners, one of whom was beheaded. Our army came
home at night, killed 7, and brought in 9 more, voung and
old."
.1 farther Brief and True Narration of the late 'UL'ars . . . ,
printed in London in 1676, states: "Captain Prentice with
a Troop of Horse Scouting to discover the posture of the
Enemy, discovered about 200 Indians^ which were sup-
posed to be the Squair Sachems: these he immediately
engaged with, and slew ten of them, and took about 40
Prisoners, ( in which Combate only his Lieutenant was
wounded ) which he brought to the English Camp, and
then found where the Indians had buried much Corn (as
their custom is ) in dry pits in Baskets."
It will be seen that the accounts of Oliver and Hubbard
agree that two expeditions were sent out on December 14.
Hubbard relates that one of these burned 150 wigwams
which agrees with the anonymous writer and with Dud-
ley's letter of December 1 5, which latter document locates
definitely the 150 wigwams as at the Old Queen's village.
The exact location of the "old Queen's quarters" or
"Town," the site of the 150 wigwams, cannot be identified
from the meagre references that have come down to our
time, but it may well have been near Queen's Fort.
The Old Queen was Matantuck, who was also variously
called Quaiapen, Sunksquaw, Magnus, the Old Queene,
and the Squaw Sachem.
Female chiefs were called "saunks" by the Lidians, but
many English writers being ignorant of that fact, thought
it a proper name or part of a proper name, and hence such
appellations as Snuke, Sunke and Snake, are found applied
to Matantuck by the early writers.
Matantuck was an Lidian princess, sister of Ninigret and
Wepitamock, and daughter of one of the early Niantic
sachems, possibly Sasious. Her mother was sister of Canon-
146 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
icus, the great sachem of the Narragansetts. She was prob-
ably born in the hrst decade of the seventeenth century and
was married to her cousin Mixanno, son of Canonicus.
They had two sons Kascuttup, and Quequaquenuit, and a
daughter Quinimiquit.
Upon the death of Canonicus in 1647, Mixanno suc-
ceeded him as one of the two Chief Sachems of the Narra-
gansetts and so rvlatantuck became a queen. Mixanno died
between 1656 and 1659 leaving Matantuck a widow with
three children. Her two sons, Kascuttop, often called Scut-
top, Sachem of Bassokutoquage, and Quequaquenuit alias
Wequaquenuit, who was called Gideon by the English,
succeeded jointly to their father's inheritance of the
sachemdom of the Narragansetts and henceforth for some
time there were four Chief Sachems of the Narragansetts,
Miantonomi's two brothers sharing the power with Mix-
anno's two sons. Quequaquenuit seems to have died before
1664 and Scuttop and Quinimiquit died between 1664 and
1668, leaving the rights to the sachemdom to their mother.
Matantuck, now usually called Quaiapen, or the Old
Queen, became one of the Chief Sachems of the Narragan-
setts and continued the rest of her life to share the royal
power with the other Narragansett chieftains.
It seems probably that soon after their marriage, and
even before the death of Canonicus in 1 647, Mixanno and
Matantuck took up their residence near what is now
Queen's Fort. Whether they occupied a previously exist-
ing Indian village, which seems probable, or whether they
founded the village, that was burned in 1675, will doubt-
less never be known.
Roger Williams, writing on October 9, 1650, and refer-
ring to an Indian village which was probably located at this
place, said: Captain Atherton "requested me presently to
travel to the Sachems, met together in mourning for Wepi-
teammock's dead son within in three or four miles of my
house". Williams' trading post was nea:r Cocumcussoc and
(JUEKX'S FORT 147
SO located within four miles of Queen's Fort. Wepita-
mock was brother of iVJatantuck, so it would be quite nat-
ural for Wepitamock's son to visit the \illage ruled over
b\- his aunt and uncle.
At the outbreak of King Philip's War in 1675 three
envoys were sent from Boston to try to induce the Narra-
gansetts to remain neutral in the coming struggle. The
envoys reached Providence on June 22 and asked Roger
Williams to assist them in their mission. Messengers were
sent to the chief Narragansett sachems asking them to meet
the envoys for a conference at Richard Smith's trading
post at Cocumcussoc. Williams wrote of this: "They being
uncivil and barbarous, and the old Queen especially tim-
orous, we condescended to meet them all near the Great
Pond, at least ten miles from Mr. Smith's home." The
result of the conference was a verbal treaty of neutrality.
Philip, seeking to counteract the eiforts of the English
envoys sent the heads of three slain Englishmen to Pessicus
as a present, but he refused to receive them. However, the
Old Queen, who had no love for the English, "rewarded
the bringers for their travel" to quote a contemporary
writer.
Two weeks after the Great Swamp Fight, or to be exact,
on January 4, two of the Narragansett sachems, presum-
ably Canonicus and Matantuck, now usually called Quaia-
pen, sent peace messengers to the English, but without
success.
Towards the end of the war, the Old Queen Matantuck
was still holding out with a few followers concealed some-
where in the wilderness.
On July 2, 1676 she and her followers were surprised in
a swamp near Nipsachuck by an English force under Major
Talcott. The English cavalrymen, assisted by their Indian
allies, fell upon the Narragansetts and killed all the war-
riors who were defending the swamp. The victors then
rushed into the swamp, killing and capturing the rest. One
hundred and seventy-one Indians were killed or captured.
148 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Among those killed in battle was the old squaw sachem,
Matantuck alias Magnus.
She is described by William Harris in August 1676 as
"a great woman, yea, the greatest that ther was the sd
woman called the old Queene". On the other hand, Major
Talcott called her "that ould peice of venum, Sucksquaw
Magnus".
This fight of July 2, is often confused with the fight of
July 3, in which Major Talcott defeated another band of
Indians near Warwick Neck.
Potter (2d edit. p. 407) records the tradition that
Queen's Island, now usually called Rabbit Island, in Wick-
ford Harbor was one of the residences of "an old Indian
Queen before the great war", that is before King Philip's
War. The "Old Queen" was Matantuck of Queen's Fort.
Sidney S. Rider in his book on Indian lands (p. 242)
suggests that an Indian called Stone Wall John was the
constructor of Queen's Fort "because the contemporary
English writers have said that he, and he alone, of all the
Indians, could do such things; and they have described no
other Indian possessed of such talent". This theory of Mr.
Rider is supported by two facts; that Stone-Wall John lived
in this district and that he built forts for the Indians. The
anonymous author of A Nezi' and Further Narrative of
the State of New England being a continued account of the
Bloody Indian War, which was published in 1676, wrote
"An arch villain of their Party, that had been with them
at the sacking of Providence, famously known by the name
of Stone-Wall or Stone-Layer John, for that being an active
and ingenious fellow, he had learnt the Mason's Trade, and
was of great use to the Indians in building their Forts, &c".
This contemporary evidence that the Indians had stone
forts is of great historical importance. Hubbard relates that
on December 1 5 "an Indian called Stone-Wall John^\
came to Richard Smith's, pretending to come from the
Sachims, intimating their Willingness to have Peace with
the English" and Captain Oliver in his letter dated at
queen's fort 149
"Narragansett 26th, Uth, 1675 (that is January 26,
1675/6) wrote:' "Dec. 15th came in John, a rogue, with
pretence of peace".
Stony Fort
About six miles south of Queen's Fort near the South
Kingstown line is another Indian fort, usually known by
the name of Stony Fort. It, like Queen's Fort, may have
been the handiwork of Stone-Wall John. Very little is
known about Stony Fort. It was mentioned in the layout
of a highway written about 1703 (Potter p. 224) and also
in the deed from Anthony Low to Jeffrey Champlin dated
November 30, 1685. (North Kingstown Deeds 2, 179).
These Indian forts were rather citadels of refuge in case
of attack, than forts built for the purpose of commanding
a strategic position. In this sense these Indian forts are
more analogous to the English garrison houses or block
houses, than to commanding military fortifications. Queen's
Fort may have been so used as a place of refuge at the
time of the attack on the Queen's village of wigwams. Mr.
William B. Goodwin of Hartford, an authority on Indian
affairs, suggests that the bastions on Queen's Fort may have
been made in imitation of the bastions on Fort Ninigret
which he considers to have been built by the Dutch. The
bastion was not a natural idea for the Indian, but one
adopted from Europan civilization.
Various Stories
Historic spots seem to have a penchant for giving rise to
various vague stories and traditions, and Queen's Fort has
been no exception. Sidney S. Rider (p. 243) sought to iden-
tifv Queen's Fort as the fort where in 1662 an Indian
'Bodge. See ante.
150 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Sachem, called Shumatucke, hid some horses which he stole
from Thomas Minor of Southertown on the Pawcatuck
River. He suggested without proof that Shumatucke or
Shawattock, as he is also called, was sachem of a tribe of
Indians called the Showatucks or Wunnashowattuckoogs,
and that this tribe lived on the Showatucquere River near
Wickford. This theory of Mr. Rider is completely refuted
by Roger Williams' letters wherein ( Narra. Club VI, 28,
38, et als ) Williams definitely states that the Wunnashowa-
tuckoogs were "further Neepmucks", who lived near the
corner of Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut,
far northwest of the Narragansetts, and many miles north-
west of Wickford.
This theory of Rider, gave rise to a garbled story to the
effect that Queen's Fort had been built by horse thieves.
The Narragansett Historical Register^ for 1882 con-
tains an anonymous account of Queen's Fort in which it is
called WUkes Fort. The article reads: "WILKES FORT.
— This used to be a halting place for the Nipmuc Indians,
They and the Shore Indians usually had difficulty in the
spring about the fish. They partly fortified their place, and
after their day a band of outlaws added immensely to the
work, and lived there in open defiance of the law a number
of years. Its last inhabitant was William Reynolds, an
insane man who lived at the northeast corner of the fortress
for several years, and until his friends removed him to a
better location. At this place there is a natural curiosity
known as the "Queen's Bed Chamber". This was used by
Queen Bess, the last princess who lived here. It was
expected the Indians would be found during that celebrated
march to the Great Swamp, in December, in Philip's time.
A lot of buried corn was found and evidence that the
Indians had recently been there."
Queen Bess seems to be entirely a mythical person as far
*Vol. I, p. 9.
queen's fort 151
as the Narragansett Indians are concerned, unless the
writer of this rather untrustworthy story had Matantuck,
the Old Queen, in mind.
Five years later in 1889 Cole, in his History of Wash-
ington and Kent Counties ( p"). 66i ) referred to the fort as
"the ruins of Wilkey Fort ( an old Indian fort )", and later
in the same article called it Queen^s Fort. He stated that
"William Reynolds resided here some forty or hfty years".
In his description of Queen's Fort, Cole wrote, "The wall
runs east and west, and at either corner were once stone
huts, probably the residence of some Indian chief." Cole
mistook the bastions for the foundations of huts. There is
no evidence that the bastions ever had roofs. In recounting
its Indian history. Cole wrote: "In a small valley just west
of the wall is a unique collection of stones forming a nat-
ural cavern, in which it is said Maquus, the squaw sachem,
once resided, but the chamber is now nearly filled with
rubbish.
"A little to the west of this once enticing retreat for the
savage heroine is a sand bank where the soldiers on their
celebrated march from Richard Smith's house toward the
big swamp halted, expecting to find a body of Indians whom
they intended to attack. But upon reaching this place the
soldiers found that the Indians had returned to their for-
tress, leaving them only a quantity of corn, which was
safely secured".
Maquus is evidently a misspelling of Magnus, which
itself is thought to have been a corruption of Matantuck.
The latter part of Cole's account clearly refers to the second
expedition of Captain Prentice, which has already been
narrated.
The natural cavern or chamber is what is usually called
the Queen's bed-chamber. This Queen's beci chamber,
though well known in the early part of the nineteenth cen-
tury, has been lost for many years. In 1865 Mr. Ham-
mond, on his Plan of Queen's Fort erroneously identified
the east bastion as the Queen's bed-chamber anci added as
152
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
ENTRANCE TO A CAVE NEAR QUEEN S FORT.
This cave is identified by local residents as the traditional
Queen's Bed Chamber.
Courtesy of the Proi-idcnce Journal
queen's fort 153
his personal opinion that the walls of this bastion or cham-
ber were of recent construction.
Rider wrote in regard to the Queen's Chamber, as he
called it: "This extraordinary chamber is not within the
Fort, but outside, west, and distant perhaps a hundred feet.
It consists of an open space beneath an immense mass of
boulder rocks; the tallest man can stand within itj the
floor is fine white sand; the entrance is so hidden that six
feet away it would never be suspected; the boulders piled
about it represent a thickness of fifty or sixty feet. Such is
my rough description of the Queen's Chamber". The boul-
ders over the Queen's bed chamber are shown, though not
so identified, in the Hammond plan. Rider published a
very rough plan of Queen's Fort which does not show the
Queen's Chamber boulders.
A Series of Indian Forts
Queen's Fort seems to have been one of a long series of
Indian forts. Six miles south of it is Stony Fort, which has
already been mentioned. Three miles southwest of Stony
Fort, on the east bank of the Chipuxet River, north of
Larkin Pond, the remains of an Indian fort are shown on
the Rhode Island Atlas of 1 895. This Atlas also shows the
remains of another Indian fort, some three miles to the
westward, on the northwest side of the Great Swamp, just
east of the Usquepaug River. There certainly was an
Indian fort on the Island in the Great Swamp which served
as the point of attack in the Great Swamp Fight of Decem-
ber 19, 1675. This fort is described as follows by the
printed chronicle of 1676, "the Indians had built a kind of
Fort, being Palisado's round and within that a clay Wall, as
also felled down abundance of Trees to lay quite round the
said Fort, but they had not quite finished the said work",
and Hubbard wrote of it: "The Fort was raised upon a
kind of Island of five or six Acres of rising Land in the
midst of a Swamp; the sides of it were made of Palisadoes
154 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
set upright, the which was compassed about with an Hedg
of almost a rod thickness"
About seven miles south of the Island in the Great
Swamp lies what is called Fort Ninigret. It is a rectangular
fort located on the crest of a promontory whose sharp sides
descend to the waters of Ninigret Pond ( formerly Charles-
town Pond). The fort consists of a wall made of stones
and earth, the outer covering of earth almost concealing
the stones. Outside of the wall is a trough or moat. The
fort is rectangular, almost square, and at three corners it
has bastions. There is no bastion at the southwest corner.
From the land side the fort is approached from the north
over a flat plain.
This seems very probably to have been the fort men-
tioned by Captain John Mason in his account of the Pequot
War in 1637. After telling about their landing on the
shore of Narragansett Bay, Mason continued: "we
marched from thence to a place called Nayanticke, it being
about eighteen or twenty miles distant, where another of
those Narragansett Sachems lived in a fortj it bemg a
Frontier to the Pequots." The distance in a direct line from
Saunderstown on Narragansett Bay near where the English
probably landed to Fort Ninigret is about fifteen miles, but
following the Indian trails, as Mason went, the distance
would be at least seventeen or eighteen miles. Mason gives
the distance from this fort to the Pawcatuck River as "about
twelve miles". In a straight line the distance is about ten
miles and by the Indian trails would be about twelve miles,
as Mason said. This would seem to establish the existence
of Fort Ninigret as early as 1 637.
The fort, as laid out geometrically, clearly shows the
influence of European civilization. It must have been built
either by Europeans or by Indians working under direction
of a European. In either case it would seem that the
European influence must have been Dutch rather than Eng-
lish, for the bulk of the export trade of the Narragansett
Indians before 1637 had been with the Dutch. Dutch
OUKKX's FORT 155
traders had been frequent visitors to the Narragansett
shores. Mason ap'»plied the name Nayanticke to this fort
and Pessicus' deed of 1661 locates the Niantick lands as
east of Weekapaug. ( R. I. H. S. C. Ill, 246.) Also see
Wait Winthrop's letter, 1675, printed hv Soc. of Col.
Wars in R. I. 1919.
Just before Mason's expedition Roger Williams drew a
rough diagramatic representation of the district for the use
of the army. The original of this diagram is lost, but a copy
of it, made in 1825 locates "Nayantaquit where is Wepi-
teammock and our friends" as on the west side of a river,
apparently intended for the Pawcatuck River and between
it and the river at Mystic. Of course in the copy the loca-
tion of Nayantaquit may have been placed on the wrong
side of the river, or it may even have been misplaced on the
original sketch, for Roger Williams made the map from the
reports of friendly Indians, not from personal observations.
Roger Williams suggested at this time that "Nayantaquit,
which is Miantunnomue's place of rendezvous, be thought
on for the riding place and retiring to of vessel or vessels,
which place is faithful to the Nanhiggonticks (Narragan-
setts) and at present enmity with the Pequts". This
would seem to indicate Nayantaquit as on the Pawcatuck
River, unless the river was intended to represent Charles-
town Inlet and the brook at Cross Mills.
Potter' commenting on this fort wrote: "The English
evidently did not build it, for it was there very early, nor
would they have taught the Indians to build it".
Writing in 1858 Samuel G. Arnold (I, 155) stated that
the Dutch had two fortified trading posts on the south shore
of Narragansett, in what is now Charlestown. Arnold does
not locate them, but Rider in 1903 stated that these forts
were Fort Ninigret and a fort at Chemungancjck.
•'R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll. in, 2a Kdit., p. 342.
AlsoCf. R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll. XI\ , 1.
156 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The remains of the fort at Chemunganock (Shumun-
canuc Hillj are described as earthworks about sixty yards
square, without bastions, and are located as on the land of
the late George N. Crandall."
Denison in 1878 confused Wepitamock with Ninigret
and stated that Ninigret was in command of this fort in
1637, thus leading to the application of the name Fort
Ninigret to the fort in 1 883 at the dedication of the memo-
rial boulder.
Mr. William B. Goodwin believes that Dutch traders
may have built Fort Ninigret after 1627 and that it is the
fort referred to in some documents which he has found in
Europe.
There is the remains of another Indian fort in Rhode
Island, Pomham's Fort on the west side of Warwick Neck,
which was built for him by the Massachusetts Bay authori-
ties in 1644. It has been appropriately marked by the
Rhode Island Historical Society and an account of this fort
appears in the January 1918 issue of the Society's Collec-
tions. The ruins now consist of low earthworks. It origi-
nally contained a "strong house of pallizado".
H. M. C.
'The Day, New London, Aug. 7, 1931.
157
Notes
The following persons have been elected to membership
in the Society:
Mrs. Joshua M. Addeman Mr. Clinton F, Stevens
Mr. William H. Peck Mr. Charles Shepard
Mr. Edward H. West
Mrs. Joshua M. Addeman presented to the Society a
collection of manuscripts and pamphlets relating to Rhode
Island gathered by her late husband, and also a blue and
gray china pitcher which was found in an Indian grave at
Fort Neck, Charlestown, R. I. This grave was opened in
1878 in the presence of Mr. Addeman.
In volume one of the Rhode Island Historical Society
Manuscripts (page 17) is a document in the handwriting
of William Harris, on the back of which he made the fol-
lowing notation: "This the coppy of tht for which I was
Imprisoned & tryed for my life". The original is in the
Connecticut State Archives and is printed in the Rhode
Island Historical Society Collections, X, 104-1 1 8.
Bequest
Mr. John F. Street of Pawtucket, for many years a mem-
ber of the Society, died on June 29, 1931. He left a bequest
of $1,000 to the Society.
158 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
New Publications of Rhode Island Interest
Providence Illustrated Ginde, a Handbook for Residents
and Visitors y by John Williams Haley. Providence, 1931,
143 pages, illustrated.
Antiques for September, 1 93 1 , p. 1 76, contains an article
on silver and latten spoons found during excavations in
Rhode Island. The maker's marks on the seventeenth
century spoons are described in detail.
CAPTAIN Owen's narrative ( Continued from p. 129)
\161
At Providence, Captain Owen was invited to "an elegant
supper and ball," where, to quote his own words, "the one
and twenty girls that danced ( who were from the age of
fifteen to eighteen, and not one exceeding twenty years)
were all so exquisitely handsome — so divinely fair, that,
had they been in the Seraglio at Constantinople, the Grand-
Signior would have been puzzled which he should drop the
handkerchief to: — I never beheld a group of more angelic
creatures — so much sweetness and elegance, blended with
pure innocence and simplicity". ( From Neii' York Public
Library Bulletin for May, 1931.)
The Gulf Stream
About 1770, complaint was made to the London officials
that the English packets which came to New York took
about two weeks longer in crossing than did the Rhode
Island merchant ships which put in at Narragansett Bay
ports. Benjamin Franklin, being in London at the time,
was consulted about the matter. To quote his own words:
"It appearing strange to me that there should be such a
difference between two places, scarce a day's run asunder
I could not but think the fact misunderstood or mis-
XKW rUBLICATIOXS OF RHODE ISLAND IXTKKKST 159
represented. There happened then to be in London a Nan-
tucket sea captain of my acquaintance, to whom I commu-
nicated the affair. He told me he believed the fact might be
true, but the difference was owing to this, that the Rhode
Island captains were acquainted with the Gulf Stream,
which those of the English packets were not When
the winds are but light, he added, they are carried back by
the current more than they are forwarded by the wind
I then observed that it was a pity no notice was taken of the
current upon the charts, and requested him to mark it out
for me, which he readily complied with, adding directions
for avoiding it in sailing from Europe to North America".
( Extract from a letter from Benjamin Franklin to Alphon-
sus le Roy of Paris. See Trans. Amer. Philos. Soc. II, 314.)
From The Giilj Stream and Its Pyobleuis by H. A, Mar-
mer. Smithsonian Rept. 1929, p. 286.
Weunquesh
That Weunquesh was living as late as April, 1685, and
at that time was married, is proved by an item in the records
of the Westconnaug Proprietors, a copy of which was
recently presented to the Rhode Island Historical Society
by Mr. Theodore G. Foster of Lansing, Michigan.
The item is the record of a charge made by John Fones
for expenses: April 20, 1685 to going to Squomakuck to
treat with the Indian Queen and her husband and others
about the Purchase. Four days with my expences on that
Journey 0. 14.6. To 4 yards of Duffil given per order of the
Trustees to the Indian Queen and her husband 20/1.0.0."
The Indian Queen at this time was Weunquesh. Very
little, indeed, is known about her, so that every scrap of
new data is of importance. The few references to her may
be found in:
R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll. Ill, 99; and XX, 14, containing
references to other articles relating to her.
Sachems of the Narra^ansetts^ published bv the R. L
Hist. Soc. 1931, pp. 91-93, 104-108 and 111.
160
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Rider's Book Notes, XXIX, 1 7 and 28.
Narra. Hist. Reg. VII, 35y containing a reprint of her
petition of 1680.
R. I. Col. Rec. 111,68.
Conn. Col. Rec. Ill, 103.
Copy of a Letter to the Stage Actors (179+)
Being informed, that you have in contemplation the act-
ing of Plays in this Town, notwithstanding the Law of the
State, and the Resolution of the Town manifesting their
disapprobation thereof. We have thought best to assure
you, that we cannot consistant with our Idea of good Citizen-
ship suffer the Law of the State to be violated with Impu-
nity, after the resolution of the Town expressly taken on
the subject. And therefore take this method of requesting
you, to forbear any transaction which may lay you liable to
the penalty of the I>aw in that case made and provided. We
hope you will consider this not as a threat, but a friendly
caution, and assurance of our conclusion to see the Law
executed after deliberate consideration on the subject.
Nicholas Brown
George Benson
Jona P. Jones
Joseph Fuller
Bazzillai Richmond
Wm, Richmond
Caleb Wheaton
Tom Hill
Edwd Thurber
Sylvanus Martin
Timothy Shelden
Wheeler Martin
Joshua Lindsey
Aaron Wright
Sand Pitman
Charles Holden
John Pitman
Isaac Pitman
Moses Brown
Saml Thurber Jur.
Zephaniah Andrews
J. W. Coy
Saml Proud
Phineas Potter
Seth Wheaton
E Brown
Stephen Randall
Thomas Arnold
Edwd Knowles
Wm. Holroy'd
NEW PUBLICATIONS OF RHODE ISLAND INTEREST 161
This manuscript ( R. I. H. S. Ms. XVI, 145) was found
in the Almy and Brown Papers among letters and accounts
dated 1 794. It gives us a list of those who opposed theatri-
cal performances and attempted to block the development
of the theatre in Providence.
References to the early development of the theatre in
Rhode Islanci will be found in An Historical Account of
the Providence Stage, l>eing a paper read before the Rhode
Island Historical Society by Charles Blake, Providence,
I860; History of the Providence Stage by George O.
Willard, Providence, 1891; Early College Performances
of Otzcay in Providence by Harold Karl Halpert in Rhode
Island Historical Society Collections, April 1930; The
Colonial Theatre in New England, by Professor B. W.
Brown, in Special Bulletin of the Newport Historical
Society, July 1930; Book Notes, XXIII, 142; and Rhode
Island Historical Society Publications, 1898, VI, 141, 189
and 228.
Port of Providence Clearance Book, 1789
Cojnniunicated by
Mr. T. G. Foster, of Lansing, Mich.
A BOOK FOR CLEARANCES of vessels, cargoes,
etc. exported from the Port of Providence in the State of
Rhode Island and Providence Plantations begun on Satur-
day, the twentieth day of June AD 1789 from which day,
Theodore Foster of said Providence was appointed Intend-
ent of Trade for the said Port of Providence by Letter of
Surrogation under his Excellency's Sign Manuel of that
date.
1. A D 1789 June 20, Sloop Hancock, James Noyce
Brown, master, 1 8 tons, 4 men, owned by James Man-
• ning & James N. Brown. Bound for New York. 23
Tons Pig Iron, 8 Hogsheads Stone Lime, 8 Barrels
Sugar.
162 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
2. June lif Sloop Ant, Daniel Bucklin, Jun. master, 22
tons, 5 men, owned by Clarke & Nightengale. Bound
for State of Delaware. 4 Casks N. E. Rum 27 Bbls
Ditto 3 Casks Mol— 2 Hogsheads & 1 0 Casks Geneva
of American Manufacture 360 yards of Tow Cloth
3m Bricks 1000# Flax 300# Cheese 50# Bokea Tea
5 Firkins of Butter Invoice of Iron & Crockery Ware
2 Doz Pair Cotton Cards 6t of Cod fish 6 Boxes Choc-
olate 1 2 Pairs of Men's Leather Shoes 1 doz.
Women's Shoes 2^ Doz Felt Hats 2 Saddles 2 Doz
Pails 1 Barrel Fish Oil 1 Barrel of Gurry.
3. June 24, Sloop Joanna, Micheal Anthony, Master, 15
tons, 3 men, for New York. 1 0 Hogsheads of Molases
8 Do Stone Lime 5 Casks Nails 2 Ditto Salt 12 Bun-
dles Papers 3 Ditto Leather 2 Barrels Pickled Cod-
fish 34# Indigo 1 Cask Sugar A Quantity of Country
Produce Some Household Furniture 2 Doz Iron
Shovels.
4. June 26, Schooner Sally, Joseph Rhodes, master, 60
tons, 5 men, for Virginia. 60 Hogsheads of Lime.
5. June 26^ Sloop Barnstable Packet, David Scudder,
master, 25 tons, 3 men, for Barnstable. 45t Cotton 1 0
Barrels Salt 10 m Nails 16t Sugar 10m Shingles Im
Boards.
6. June 27, Sloop Lively, Isaac Manchester, master, 25
tons, 5 men, for Virginia. 3 Hogsheads of Molasses
6 Hhs and 3 Barrls Rum and 80 Bushels of Salt
7. June 27, Sloop Packet, Payne El well, master, 39 tons,
4 men, for North Yarmouth. 1 Cask Rice 1 Cask
Tobacco 1 Chest Tea 200 t Loose Tea lOOt Coffee
2 Barrels Sugar 300t Cotton 1 Barrel New England
Rum
8. June 29, Sloop Lark Sydney, John Tillinghast, master,
60 tons, 6 men for Virginia. 50 Hogsheads of Stone
Lime 3 Hhs Sugar 1 5 Bbl Ditto
rORT OF PROVIDKXCE (LKARAXCF. BOOK. 1789 163
9. June 30, Sloop Betsey, Nathan \\\ Jackson, master, 30
tons, 5 men, for Alexandria. 60 Hogsheads Stone
Lime 25 Kegs Salmon 30 Barrels Herring 5 Barrels
Beef 250 Yards Tow Cloth 24 Yards Shirting Checks
7 Boxes Choclate 2 of Cod fish 324# Flax 2
Barrels Potatoes 100# Sole Leather 5 Dozen Walk-
ing Sticks 8 Boxes Spermaceti Candles 3 Perkins of
Butter 10 Barrels of Pork 40 Pair Womens Cloth
Shoes 30 Pair Mens Leather Shoes 6 Hundred
Weight of Cheese 8 Bbls Cyder 3 Boxes Tallow
Candles 4 Barrels of Mackeral 2 Reams Wrapping
Paper 7 Reams Writing Paper
The above being the Produce & \lanufacture of the
State — 2 Barrels of New England Rum 3 Barrels of
Sugar,
10. July 1, Schooner Dean, William Bullock, master, 30
tons, 5 men, 1 Hogshead of Molasses 1 Barrel Sugar
I Barrel N. E. Rum 2 Barrels of Pork 12 Ditto
Flour— Bread 50 Bushels of Salt 20 Pair Mens
Shoes 100 Yards of Tow and Flannel Cloth.
11. July 1, Schooner Sally, Joseph Merrick, master, 37
tons, 3 men, for Bay of Fundy. 27 Barrels of Salt 5
Barrels of Flour 60 Sheep with Hay Stores, etc.
Data relating to early Rhode Island shipping will be
found in The Letter Book of Pele^ Sanjord and The Letter
Book of James Broiimeyhoth of which were published bv the
Rhode Island Historical Society; in Commerce of Rhode
Island which are volumes 69 and 70 of the Massachusetts
Historical Society Collections; and in the Rhode Ldand
Historical Society Collections XI\', 99 and 125 \ X\'I, 84;
XXIII, 76 and XXIV, 73.
164 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Captain John Rous, R. N.
John Rous, who is regarded by many as the ablest Amer-
ican naval commander of the colonial period, has generally
been considered a Massachusetts man, but the Rous fam-
ily papers, recently presented to the Society by Captain
G. Andrews Moriarty, Jr., F. S. A., prove that for many
years Rous was a resident of Newport, Rhode Island, and
that his chief connection with Massachusetts was that he
commanded vessels owned in Massachusetts.
John Rous, or Rousse as the name was originally spelled,
was born at St. Pierre Port in the Island of Guernsey on
January 28, 1699, and was baptized on the eighth of Feb-
ruary. He was the son of Captain Denis Rousse and his
wife, Sarah Turner.
A copy of the baptismal record, made on parchment in
1717, preserves the quaint old French of the record of the
baptism, as it was entered in the parish records of the little
Channel Island church:
"Extrait des Registres des Baptemes administrez En la
Paroisse de St Pierre Port en L'Isle de Guernsey
"Jean his du Capitaine Denis Rousse et de Sara Turner
sa feme dont Les Srs Jean et Robert Renouf ont este
pareins et Dlle Marie Renouf mareine, Le dit Jean ne
Le Jeudy 28'" de Janvier 1699-1700 et battize Le Jeudy
8'" de Feuburier en suivant".
John's father, Denis Rousse, was a captain, presumably
a sea captain, and as the Channel Islands have for centuries
been famous for the mariners which they have produced,
it is not surprising that John took to the sea and followed
the profession of his father, from whom he doubtless
acquired his nautical training as well as his love of the sea.
As might be expected, we have no records of his child-
hood and youth, but we may picture him as playing around
the harbor of St. Pierre, rowing and sailing small boats and
CAPTAIN JOHN ROUS, R. N. 165
watching and visiting the larger sea-going vessels that sailed
from this port.
He followed the sea, and the next record we have of him
is after he had crossed the Atlantic Ocean.
John Rous appeared in Newport as early as 1 725, where
on January 2 he was married to Jean Rucketts. In the record
of Trinity Church his name is spelled Rouse and her name
is given as Jean, doubtless an attempt to spell Jeanne. As
Rucketts is not a Newport name, and as both her given and
family name have a certain French suggestion, it seems
quite possible that she may have been a Channel Island
girl, perhaps a childhood friend and playmate of John
Rous. They had at least two children, Jane and Sarah,
named for the mother and grandmother respectively.
John Rous seems to have been an apt pupil in his father's
profession. As might be expected, records of him in the
twenties and thirties are hard to hnd. Yet we may be sure
that he rose gradually in his chosen vocation of merchant
marine sailor and underwent the rough training and haz-
ardous experiences of the early eighteenth century mar-
iners. The hot weather of the tropics, the biting cold of the
North Atlantic winter, storms, unseaworthy crafts, bad
food, and doubtless occasional shortages of food and water,
fell to his lot as to most of the seamen of the period.
The next record of him appears to be the following
receipt:
"November the 6th 1 734 Reed of John Rouse Master
of the Sloop Speedwell twelve pounds seven shillings 8 d
for three months & five days for wages due to me for a
voyage to New foundland
Elisha Rydon"
Rous spent some time as master of vessels in the West
Indies trade, and in 1 742 gave the following testimony in
regard to the common practice of changing the names of
vessels in order that the names might conform to the ship's
papers.
166 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
He deposed, "Years ago I was in Curacao and had a sea
brief limited for six months and during that time I was
master of three different vessels and used the same sea
brief for them all, calling them successively by the same
name. The vessels above mentioned were of the burthen
of about eight, nine and twelve tons, the two hrst of which
vessels belonged to Dutchmen, as I understood, and the
other was owned by a Frenchman as I took it and was hired
by the above Dutchman and afterwards, I believe, was
returned to the Frenchmen again. They all sailed from
Curacao to the Island of Canco and back again to Curacao."
Upon the outbreak of the War of Jenkins' Ear in 1739,
John Jones of Boston, who later in the year was associated
in a privateering venture with George Wanton of Newport,
fitted out the privateer Young Eagle, a bilander of 100
tons, carrying 1 2 carriage guns and 1 8 swivel guns. The
command of this vessel was given to Capt. Philip Duma-
resq, who received his commission on August 24. John Rous
signed up as first lieutenant. Why Rous shipped on the
Young Eagle is not definitely known, for he may have been
drawn to this ship for two very different reasons. Rous was
a Newport skipper and so must have been acquainted with
George Wanton, one of Newport's leading shipowners, and
indeed he may have previously sailed in command of some
of Wanton's vessels. It is quite possible, therefore, that it
may have been through Wanton and Jones that Rous
became interested in this venture. On the other hand, both
Rous and Dumaresq were natives of the Channel Island and
this may have been the bond that drew them together and
that induced Rous to turn from the merchant marine to
privateering.
Rous' entrance into naval service, or what perhaps,
strictly speaking, should more properly be called privateer-
ing, was almost immediately encompassed in the excitement
of an incipient mutiny, an omen or harbinger of what pri-
vateering was to mean to him.
A detailed account of Rous' service on the privateer
CAPTAIX JOHN ROUS. R. X. 167
Young Eagle, and his capture of the Amsterdam Post, will
be found in Chapin's Prrcateenng in King George^s W ar
(pages 7-12).
In February, 1 739-40, Captain Dumaresq ordered Lieu-
tenant Rous to take the prize sloop Beginning to Gibraltar,
so Rous, with a prize crew of ten men, sailed from Madeira.
D'wize, one of this prize crew, said that he overheard Rous,
Gabrielshundh and Hall plot to scuttle the ship rather than
go to Gibraltar, and there were rumors on foot that there
was a plot to run away with the Young Eagle. Rous was
reported to ha\'e said that they would all be hanged at
Cadiz if taken by the Spaniards, because goods had been
taken out of uncondemned prizes. Some of the reports may
have been exaggerated by ex-parte accounts, but be that as
it may, Rous and the prize returned to Madeira the next
day. At sonie point in the excitement, Rous kicked chief
mate Loud in the face, and it was further reported that
Rous, when lieutenant in command of the Young Eagle,
said he "would stretch his commission as far as it would go,
but New England should never have the honour of seeing
him hanged." Rous was imprisoned at Madeira for nine
days, and then on March 6, 1 739/40, released to enlist as
master's mate on H. M. S. Ruby, on which he served until
April 21, 1740. The naval officers and others testified to
Rous' good behavior, and stated that Captain Dumaresq
confronted him with no serious charges. Joseph Rous, his
brother, also served on the Ruby at this time. Some two
years later, when Rous became captain of the Young Eagle
and was beating up for volunteers in Boston, a complaint
was entered that Loud followed the drummer in a riotous
manner, cursing and abusing Rous.
John Rous returned to America and again took up the
profession of a captain in the merchant marine. He com-
manded the sloop Sarah, which sailed from Newport on
July 28, 1 740. bound for Maryland.
Rous doubtless had no more trouble on his ^'arious sea
voyages than usualU' fell to the lot of the average mariner,
168 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
but, owing to the fact that several depositions have been
preserved, we are able to get a few intimate side-lights on
his personality and experiences.
"The Examination of Thomas Birt Aged aboute twenty
years being first Sworn on the holy Evengels of almighty
God Deposseth and Saith that aboute the 28th day of July
anno Dom. 1 740. he this Deponant Sailed from Rhode
Island with Capt. John Rouse in his Sloop called the Sarah,
Togeather with Severall others Belonging to the Said Ves-
sell. Particularly a Certain Trustom Coffin whome this
Deponant Understood was Shipt Mate of the Said Sloop
and bound for Maryland, and that on the Fryday follow-
ing the Said Thrustom Coffin went up to the Maste head of
Said Vessell and Stay'd theire aboute halph an hour, and
when he came Down upon Deck, he said Coffin Used Sev-
erall words in this Mannor throwing his hatt down upon
the Said Deck, Saying Capt. Rouse there is two Spanards
Seeing two Sloops, to wind ward and that he should be
Master of the Smallest of them, and that they Should go
into the Capes Togeather Meaning the Capes of Virginia
and aboute two days after, this Deponent arrived within the
Said Capes, the said Coffin Saw a Small Tobacco Sloop,
where upon the Said Coffin Said that Sloop was a whailer
whereupon Capt. John Rouse Replyed and told the said
Coffin that it was no such thing and that he was a Blockhead
in Saying so and Said it was a Tobacco Droger, which the
said Coffin Insisted and Said it was a Whailor, Showing the
Said Rouse how the Boate which was at the Starne of the
Said Tobacco Sloop had its Motion Like a whailor, then the
Said Capt Rouse ordered the Said Coffin to go into the hole
of the Said Sloop which the Said Coffin Refused, and the
Said Rouse thereup took up a pump brake threatning him
that he would Strick him, but this Deponant Declareth
that the Said Rouse Never Strock the Said Coffin with Said
pump brake but Laid it down againe, where upon the Said
Capt Rouse Insisted to Secure him, that the said Coffin
should not do any Damage, Raveing Like a madman, and
CAPTAIN' JOHN ROUS, R. N. 169
that amediatly Stript of his Cloaths and Strock the said
Capt. Rouse Severall Times, whereupon the said Capt.
Rouse and a Certaine Benjamin Rickels also Edward Caine,
assisted in Securing the Saici Coffin and Tyed his hands
behind him and put him into the hole of Said V^essell, being
Tyed with the Lead Line, he the said Coffin Complaining
that the Line hurt him whereupon Capt. Rouse ordered a
point to be got to pinion him and Accordingly the said Rouse
tyed the Said Coffin with the said point then the Said Coffin
Replyed he could not go down into the hole of Said Ves-
sell the saici Rouse told him he would assist him down in the
hole, and accordingly went down to assist him, he the said
Coffin Refused to have any assitance from the Said Rouse,
but took hold of a Rope and went down thereby and Stood
in the hole of Said \'essell, and the Said Coffin Uesed
Strange Surprizeng words, More Like a mad man then a
man in his Sence's Saying the Lord have Mercy upon us,
John Rouse wants to take my Life, but Blood for Blood and
Life for Life I will have Revenge If I Live, being at an
anchor in the Said Bay at New point Comfort this Deponant
Declareth that the Said Capt. Rouse Said, wee want fresh
provisions, wee will go ashore and git Som whereupon the
Boate was hoisted from on board the said Sloop and the
Said Capt. Rouse Togeather with Benjamin Rickels and
Edward Caine went a Shore, Leaving the Said Trustom
Coffin, and this Deponant on Board of the Said Sloop, when
the Said Capt. Rouse with his two men afd had got a Con-
siderable Distance from the said Sloop in ord. to go a Shore,
the said Trustom Coffin Called to Thomas Birt this Depo-
nant that he was Hungry whereupon this Deponant Car-
ryed him Some \'ickles, the Said Coffin Jumpt upon the
said Deck Saying Soha. this Deponant askt him the said
Coffin what he was agoing to do, he Replyed he was going
to Swim on Boarci of yonder Sloop which was aboute a
mile & a halph from the Said V^essell the Deponant was
onboard of Calling the said Sloop a Whailor, which this
Deponant took to be a Tobacco Droger whereupon this
170 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Depont went into the Cabbin and got one of the Collors of
Said Sloop, to make a Signall that Capt. Rouse might see,
that he might Returne to the said Sloop and Secure the said
Coffin, but seeing of it, the said Capt. Rouse told this
Depont when he came on board, that he thought it was
Cloaths hung up to Drye and did not then Returne, then the
said Coffin went over the Side of the Said Vessell and Hung
by his hands at the Chains, to feele whether the water was
Cold, whereupon he told this Deponant that the water was
Cold, and came on board Againe, and put on him a thick
pair of Britches, and a Brown Holland Jacket and a Straw
hatt, with a pair of Silver Shoe Buckles and knee Buckles
tyed with a String Round his Neck with out any Shoos or
Stockins or Cap. then went upon the Quarter Deck and got
a knife awhestone and wheted his knife a Considerable time,
telling this Deponant that if he Hoisted the Jack or Collers
any more and that the Boate came on Board, that he would
amediatly go on Board the Sloop, this Deponant Replyed
to the said Coffin that if he should go from on Board, that
he this Deponant should be Blaimed, whereupon the said
Coffin Replyed that there was no Danger and that he should
have no Blame come to him Still this Deponant useing
many prevailing words that he might not go, feareing that
he would be drowned, then the said Coffin took up a wes-
coat from the Quarter Deck, and took out of the pocket, a
pocket Book and takeing out of the said Book two peices of
paper, telling this Deponant they ware Each of them three
pound Notes, which this Deponant does not know that they
were so. then the said Coffin Laid down the saide wescoate
on the winless of the said Vessell puting his pocket Book in
his wescoate againe then taking the key out of his Chest put
it in his Britches pocket which he had on, then this Deponant
went into the Cabbin, Leaving the said Coffin up on Deck,
the said Coffin Called to this Deponant asking him if he
would not See him go overboard, this Deponant Replying
no, and Looking out at the Cabbin door upon Deck and not
Seeing the said Coffin, amagined he was gone, whereupon
CAPTAIX JOHN ROUS, R. N. 171
this Deponant went upon Deck and Looking over the side
of the said \'essell, Saw the Said Coffin in the water Swim-
ing, being Dusk or Date in the Evening, Could Scarce See
him, but thought he was Endeavouring to Swim towards
the afd Sloop wth the Said Coffin threatned to Swim on
board before, and amediatly Saw no more of the Saici C\)ffin
Soon after this Deponant Saith that Capt. Jno. Rouse Came
on board with his boate, anci men as aforsd where he brought
a Lamb with him, this Deponant further Declareth that
when the said Coffin was Swiming away in the water the
said Coffin called to this Deponant and Bed him far well but
this Deponant made no answer, and further Saith not.
Thomas Burt
"Sworne to before me the Subscriber one of his Lordship
Justices of the peace for Talbot County this 4th day of
October ano Dom. 1 740,
Risdenbosman"
As an aftermath of the Tristom Coffin affair there is the
following order, dated: "Nantucket July the 28th 1741.
frind rouse be pleas to deliver my sons chist & beding to
Beniamin Chase &. he will pa\- the balance & his receart shall
be your discharg
Peter Coffin".
On the reverse is Benj. Chase's receipt.
Rous' love of adventure haci been aroused by this pri\a-
teering experience and he could not for long resist the lure
of going "a-privateering." He soon accepted a commission
as captain of the Speedwell, a privateer sloop of 80 tons
which was ow^ned by John Jones of Boston and George
Wanton of Newport. It will be remembered that Jones
owned the privateer Young Eagle, on which Rous had
served as Hrst lieutenant. The Speedwell was armed with
eight carriage guns and fourteen swivels, and carried a
crew of 80 or 90 nien. Earl\- in October, Rous beat up for
\'olunteers, and, ha\ing signed up enough hands, sailed on
172
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
w .- o
r > O
CATTAIX JOHN ROUS, R. N. 175
October 13, 1740. He laid his course southeastward and
planned to cruise in the same waters that were already
familiar to him, thanks to his service on the Young Eagle.*
Captain Rous began to speculate in pri\'ateer shares as
early as 1 741 , as is shown by a receipt:
"September the 21, 1 741 Recev'd of Capt. John Rousse
the sum of one hundred and thirty pound being for a shear
belonging to my son of the duch prize brot in by Capt.
bayod I say Receved by me
Job Caswell"
On July 20 he bought of James Russell, "one of Capt.
Wimble's Company," for 100 old tenor one "whole Share
Right & Proportion of the ship Angola her Cargo and
Appurtenances brought into this Port of Newport afore-
said by the two Privateers Commanded by Capt. James
Allen & Capt. James Wimble".
On July 23 he bought of James Russell, who described
himself as "one of the Company of the Private Mann of
W^arr Sloop called the Revenge Commanded by Capt.
James Wimble," for £15 current money of the colony one
"whole share Right & Proportion of all the Prizes, Prize
Goods & every thing else taken by Sd Private Man of Warr
& Company & brought into Newport aforsd & Carried into
New Providence",
Rous sailed in command of the Young Eagle on Decem-
ber 19, 1741, on a privateering cruise. An account of his
exploits while commander of this privateer will be found in
Privateering in King George^ s War (pages 1 8-29).
In the Louisbourg expedition of 1745, Rous was given
the command of the snow Shirley, a galley of 24 guns,
named in honor of Governor William Shirley. He sailed
from King's Roads, as Nantasket was then called, at
4 o'clock in the afternoon on Sunday, March 24, 1 745, con-
*For an account of this cruise, see Privateering in King George's War
(pages 33-36).
174 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
voying the fleet of 5 1 transports and armed sloops. George
Whitefield, the evangelist, gave the expedition somewhat
the aspect of a crusade, by suggesting as a motto for their
flag: Nil des-perandmn Chris to duce^ which flag presumably
was flown from the Shirley. The fleet touched at Sheepscot,
and awaited the second detachment, which sailed from Bos-
ton on the 26th. Three days later, the entire fleet, consist-
ing of 63 sail, weighed anchors and sailed for Cape Breton.
As might be expected at this season of the year, the fleet was
scattered by the bad weather that was encountered on the
voyage. A northeast storm raged all day on March 30, and
the Shirley, with twenty vessels that had succeeded in keep-
ing together, arrived at Canso on April 4. The French
frigate Renommee was sighted off Canso on April 1 8, and
the Shirley, accompanied by the sloop Massachusetts and
the sloop Abigail, went in chase. On the next day, the Shir-
ley, Captain Rous, took an important part in the battle with
the Renommee, firing 1 1 5 shots at her during the engage-
ment. The Shirley returned to Canso on the 21st, and Gen-
eral Pepperell made his headquarters on board of her until
the 26th, when, in company with the Tartar, the Shirley
again went in pursuit of the Renommee, They overtook the
French vessel to the west of George's Banks and attacked
her, but she, being a better sailer, easily escaped the Shirley.
The latter continued westward and reached Nantasket on
May 2. She sailed again in a day or two, convoying five
transports, and on this voyage again fell in with the Renom-
mee, which attacked one of the transports and forced her to
strike her colors. The Renommee then left her to chase the
Shirley, thus enabling the captured vessel to escape. The
Shirley outsailed the Renommee this time, and reached
Canso in safety. She sailed from Canso on the 1 5th, convoy-
ing her charges, and arrived at Chapeaurouge Bay the next
day.
The Shirley, Captain Rous, joined in the chase of the
ship Vigilant, 64 guns, Capt. Alexandre Boisdecourt, Mar-
quis de la Maisonfort, at 3 o'clock on the afternoon of
CAPTAIN JOHN ROUS, R. N. 175
May 1 9, and "plied her bow chasers very well" from 6 to 7
o'clock in the evening, when the Vigilant outdistanced her.
The Shirley sailed for Annapolis June 2, convoying two
schooners, and at Annapolis received orders to proceed to
Boston. She again arrived off Louisbourg with artillery
about June 25.
The Shirle)', Captain Rous, sailed on July 6 amid the
salutes of the men-of-war with despatches for England,
where she arrived after a voyage of three weeks. She
crossed the Atlantic in four weeks on her return voyage,
and arrived at Louisbourg on September 24, bringing news
of Commodore Warren's promotion to the rank of Rear
Admiral. She hred fifteen guns and H. M. S. Superb
answered with thirteen guns.
Maclay tells us that after the Shirley, Captain Rous, had
completed her work in connection with the Louisbourg
expedition, "she separated from her consorts and captured
eight French vessels, two of which made a determined
resistance. For this service Captain Rous received a cap-
tain's conimission in the King's service." The Boston Nezvs-
Lelfer^ for October 1 0, states that Commodore Warren had
by that time received orders to buy the Shirley, and to issue
a captain's conimission in the Royal Navy to Captain Rous.
The Shn-ley was dri\'en ashore in a gale at Annapolis Ro\al
in 1 746, but was floated.
John Charnock, in his Biographla Navalis (London,
1 797, Volume V, page 412) gives the following account of
Captain John Rous:
"John Rous. This gentleman was by birth an American;
and having risen to the rank of lieutenant in the navy,
quitted for a time his majesty's service and took the com-
mand of a private ship of war fitted out from New England.
We have not been able to collect any subsequent informa-
tion concerning him, except that having distinguished him-
self in this occupation so highlv, as to attract the notice of
sir Peter Warren, who in 1745, was commodore of the
armament sent against Louisbourg; he was by hini pro-
176 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
moted to be a commander in the navy, and, on the 24th of
September, 1745, advanced to be captain of the Shirley
galley. This vessel was the same he had before commanded
as a privateer j it was afterwards hired into the service as an
armed ship on the sloop establishment j and lastly, put on
the higher footing of a postship or frigate.
"Immediately after peace had taken place we find a
gentleman of the same name appointed captain of the
Albany sloop. It is by no means improbable that he was the
same person, for many instances occur of a post captain hav-
ing in time of peace, accepted of such inferior commissions".
John Rous, the privateersman, is probably not identical
with the John Rous who was appointed captain of the
Albany, for John Rous, the privateersman, had retired from
naval service before the end of the war and in 1 747 was
captain of a flag of truce.
Charnock continues his account with the biography of a
Captain John Rous, perhaps the one who was captain of the
Albany. He served as captain of H. M. S. Success in 1755,
at Louisbourg in 1758, and died at Portsmouth, England,
on April 3, 1760. This man cannot be identical with our
John Rous, the privateersman of Newport, who was Jost at
sea in 1750.
Charnock, it will be noted, was also in error in stating
that Rous was an American by birth. As has been shown,
Rous was born in Guernsey, one of the Channel Islands, but
removed to America, and took up his residence at Newport,
Rhode Island.
{To be continue/I)
Roger Williams Press
t
E. A. Johnson Co.
PROVIDENCE
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XXV
JANUARY, 1932
No. 1
PART OF THE HII.T OF WASHINGTON S SWORD
It was treasured for years by the Carroll family of Virginia and in 1861,
was presented by members of that family to the First Rhode Island
Regiment.
In the Society'' s Miiseimt. —..^
Issued Quarterly
68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island
CONTENTS
PAGE
The Hilt of Washington's Sword . . . Cover
Notes regarding Fort Ninigret
by William B. Goodwin .... 1
New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . . 16
Candlesticks used at ball held in honor of
George Washington . . . . . 17
Notes 18
Letter from Martha Washington . . . 19
Revolutionary Orders of 1780
from the library of Frederick S. Peck . . 20
Captain John Rous, R. N 23
The Snow Eliza ...... 29
Bowen Family Notes
by Charles Shepard . . . . . 30
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
VOL. XXV
JANUARY, 1932
No. 1
Addison P. Munroe, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
Notes Rcrardinor the Oris^in of Fort Ninifrret
in the Narragansett Country
at Charlestown
By William B. Goodwin
In searching the historical archives of the settlement and
occupation by the Dutch West India Company, from 1623
to 1674, of that part of New England and New York,
originally known as the Dutch New Netherlands, the
writer came across two salient excerpts which led him to
believe that there must have been a somewhat earlier Dutch
trading station and/or fort in the Narragansett Country in
Rhode Island than has hitherto been generally accepted.
Writers of Rhode Island history, with one exception, have
indicated that the fort on the point of land on Charlestown
Pond, which from time immemorial has been called Nini-
Z RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
gret's Fort, was built by that Eastern Niantic chieftain,
Ninigret, hiinself. The one exception was the writer, who
stated that this fort had been originally built by the Dutch
traders, assigning, however, no date. Morever, the Point,
itself, has become known by years of tradition as Dutch
Point.
The following references to a fort, owned by the Dutch
in the Narragansett Country prior to their purchase in
1635-'37 of what is now known as Dutch Island and which
the Dutch called, "Quetenis," from its Indian name, are
the basis which led to our asking permission of the Metro-
politan Park Commission, under whose control this small
park is held, to permit us to excavate in a preliminary
manner for any possible evidence that this fort was not an
Indian fort but a fort built by the Dutch prior to the time
they acquired Dutch Island as a trading post.
The first interesting information concerning the Dutch
fort, prior to the purchase of Quetenis Island and the loca-
tion of a trading station at Sowams, the capital town of the
Wampanoag Indians, is contained in a letter dated 1631,
written in a tone of protest by the ambassador from the
States General to the Court of King James in reply to the
British Ambassador at the Court of The Hague. The
British Ambassador had made a broad statement that the
Dutch had no right, either by settlement or occupation,
to the country of the New Netherlands. In his reply, the
Dutch Ambassador said, "Before 1630, we had a fort and
colony in the Narragansett Country which has been con-
tinuously occupied."
The next statement is from the Assembly of the XIX. to
the States General, November, 1627, Documentary His-
tory of Nezv York, Vol. 1 , page 38 :
"The last letters from New Netherland bring
word, that the English of New Plymouth threaten to
drive away those there, or disturb them in their settle-
ment and little colony, notwithstanding our's hereto-
NOTKS RFX.ARDIXr, THK ORTGIX OF FORT NIXIGRKT 6
fore had tendered to them every good correspondence
and friendship. They therefore request the aid of
forty Soldiers for their defence. We would rather
see it secured by friendly alliance."
The third statement is from Wassenaer's Historical
Account: October, 1628, Narratives of New Netherland:
"On the north side are the English Brownists who
maintain themselves very well and are much resorted
to, supporting their reputation bravely with the
natives, whom they do not fear, having acted strictly
with these from the first, and so continuing.
"In the beginning of this year, war broke out be-
tween the Maikans near Fort Orange and the Maku-
aes, but these beat and captured the Maikans and
drove oif the remainder who have settled towards the
north by the Fresh River, so called j where they begin
again to cultivate the soilj and thus the war has come
to an end."
The fourth statement is found in the Docuuientary His-
tory of Nezv York, Vol. 1, page 542:
"The limits of New Netherland, as clainied then,
would be from Cape Hindlopen, on the south, to Cape
Cod, on the east, including therein Long Island, situ-
ate right in front of New Netherland, whence it is
separated by an arm of the sea, called the East river,
which begins at Coney Island, in the North bay of the
North river, and runs again into the sea at the east-
ward, near Fisher's Island, opposite the Pequatoos
ri\-er, together with all other bays, rivers and islands
situate westward of Cape Cod, and especially the
island named Quetenis, lying in Sloop bay, which was
purchased, paid for and taken possession of in the
year 1637, on the Company's account."
4 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Fifth, we have the statement found in the Masachusetts
Historical Society Collections y Series 1, Vol. 1 (1811),
page 271:
"The lands of the aforesaid river named Conecticott
or Sicagothe were bought and possessed anno 1633 by
the servants of the high and mighty of the comaunder
of the Sickenamais named Nepaquate as Conquerer
and Subduer of the foremencioned land and that by
special Intreaty and Consent of the Right subdued
owners of the nation present by and consent of Cap-
taine Awayas of our Comaunder or Sachem of Schal-
ope bay which with large articles as by Credable Testi-
mony Witnessing the deed may appear: and that long-
before the English had ben upon the River."
The sixth statement is from the Narratives of New
Netherlands 1647:
"About the same time (June, 1637) the Indian title
to the Island of 'Quotenis,' near the 'Roode Island,'
in Narragansett Bay, was secured for the West India
Company, and a trading post was established there,
under the superintendence of Abraham Pieterson.
Not long afterwards, Pieterson obtained for the com-
pany the possession of another island, lying near the
Pequod, or Thames River, which for many years after
the settlement of Connecticut by the English, con-
tinued to be known as 'the Dutchman's Island.' "
The above evidence led me to examine the remains of
this little fort at Charlestown with the keenest interest. It
measures practically two hundred feet square. There are
three bastions, the five-sided shape of which is very unusual.
We can find no such shaped bastions in any of the books
on fortifications which we have been able to locate. That the
walls and bastions were built at one and the same time is
apparent when the wall itself ends at three of the corners
NOTES RKGARDIXG THE ORIGIN OF FORT NINIGRET 5
to allow of an entry into the bastion. The fourth side,
which is nearest towards the embankment of Charlestown
Pond, did not need a bastion, and on digging, we found no
evidence of one ever having been there.
From the oldest living inhabitant of that vicinity, a Mr.
Church, we found that the present lines of the fort were
pretty much as he had known them from boyhood up to
anci long before the marking of the site by the State Com-
mission in the year 1881. Mr. Church told us that the
entrance to the fort was on the south side near the south-
east corner. On digging through the wall, which was evi-
dently a restoration by the Commission, we found that the
original wall had never been built across an apparent gate-
way. From this gateway, there led a diagonal path, south-
west, to an ever-living spring which still furnishes the
water for an adjoining dwelling. This spring is just above
the high water mark.
Along this path, which is outside the walls of the fort,
we found some of our most interesting relics, both Indian
and Dutch, among which were a pair of knitting needles
and a very much rusted Jews' harp, which, as everyone
knows, is one of the trinkets the Dutch used in trading with
the Indians. One piece of pottery was found along this trail,
which compared with several of the more interesting pieces
found more nearly in the center of the fort on the inside.
Now in order to find the construction of the fort, we ran
transverse ditches on its eastern side. This we did from the
bottom of the ditch, which surrounded the fort on all four
sides, through to the inside level of the ditch, and here we
obtained a very interesting picture of what the fort origi-
nally looked like. The builders first laid two parallel walls
of glacial field stone about two feet apart. To the back of
the inside walls of stone were then driven posts of unknown
height, which could hardly be called palisadoes, the re-
mains of which we found insitu in the earth. Of these
decayed posts, which were circular, we found clear evidence
that the grain of the wood ran in the perpendicular, prov-
O RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
ing them to be upright. Back of that, however, on the
inside was the evidence of planks laid transversely, whether
to hold these posts together or to form a platform on the
inside, it is hard to say.
The next step in regard to the construction of the wall
was to excavate a ditch with sufficient width so that the earth
would be thrown over the whole. The most amazing dis-
covery at this point was that the wall, itself, as far as the
earth was concerned, had been raised between two feet, six
inches and three feet at some later date. We should say in
both instances the grass mould was of the same age. So if
the fort goes back to the date we assign to it, 1627, there
would be nearly as much decayed roots forming clay as on
the original. Whether that means that the walls of the fort
were raised halfway between 1627 and 1927, or the present
date, is, of course, problematical, or whether a Dutch fort
had been erected upon a previous fort. The nearest answer
to this problem is that the walls had eroded at some time
since the fort was first built and had been restored.
Mr. Church told us that there was a line of stones on top
of the fort which were taken away by the Commission.
Unfortunately, Mr. Church is the only living man to give
us any testimony as to what the fort looked like before the
Commission took it over, but following his statements, we
found him apparently truthful in every way. As for a man
eighty-eight years old, his mind is quite clear and his recol-
lections were in more or less detail. For instance, we were
looking for a block-house in the center of this fort, if it was
built in 1 627, for in 1616 we have the record of the dimen-
sions of the original Dutch Fort Nassau on Castle Island
in the Hudson River opposite the present Albany, New
York. These notes, translated froin the Dutch, are as
follows:
"Fort Nassau was fifty-eight feet wide between the
walls and built as a square. The moat is eighteen feet
wide."
FRAGMENTS OF A BLUE AND WHITE PLATE ORNAMENTED
WITH LETTER "r"
Unearthed at Fort Siuigrct
8 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
It is further noted that the house in the fort was thirty-
eight feet long and twenty-six feet wide. However, on
digging all around the marker boulder, erected by the State
Commission when the fort was taken over as a park by the
State of Rhode Island, we found no direct evidence of a
building which might have had a chimney, and Mr. Church
assured us that in his lifetime there never had been such a
central building. On the other hand, just outside to the
north of the artificial mound in the center, containing the
boulder marker of the site, we found the circular depression
which we took to possibly be a well. We hired an experi-
enced man, Mr. Babcock, an Indian, who had for forty
years been digging wells in the various house sites in the
vicinity of the fort on Charlestown Pond.
When we started to dig about this circular depression,
we at first immediately thought we had discovered a well.
There were laid in a circular form, about four feet in diam-
eter, three layers of field stone. Beneath this, however,
these circular layers of stone ceased, although we dug to a
matter of twelve feet, and would have expected, if we
found the bottom of the well, to have gone to at least
twenty-five feet. We found no further positive evidence
that this circular wall of stones continued on down. How-
ever, at nine and a half feet, we became sure that there had
been some excavation here and that it had been filled up
with boulders and glacial sand and gravel, of which the
whole Point is composed. At the nine and a half feet level,
we found several stones which showed signs of fire and to
one side of which stones adhered a layer of clay. Inasmuch as
there was no clay anywhere in the pit dug down to twelve
or more feet, we came to the conclusion that these stones
were out of some chimney which at one time or another had
been erected on the place and that the well, if it had been a
well, had been partly covered and filled in as far as the rocks
which had formerly been a chimney are concerned. Beyond
this, there was no evidence that there had ever been a block-
NOTES RF.GARDIXG THK ORIGIN OF FORT NINIGRKT y
house and no woodwork except the back side of the rampart,
all of which was in an entirely decayed conciition.
The live-sided bastions w^ere not macie like the main
walls. They were made of stone, much of it flat stone laid
one above another anci thoroughly covered with earth. The
corners of the bastions are clearly niarked. The interior of
the bastions w^re shallow indentures in which men could lie
for defense of all the four sides of the fort, shooting paral-
lel to the main wall. The same under surface was found
in these bastions as in the inside of the fort, itself. As we
had nothing further to guide us — the pits that were dug
were of various shapes and sizes — we had to trust more
or less to luck to And anything that would give us evidence
of the age of the structure itself.
We thought for some time there had been a pathway on
the east side down to the oyster beds at the foot of the steep
bluff on which the fort stands in the harbor itself. Digging
into this slight depression, we found that this w^as merely
a drainage erosion. From the main path, digging all along
the rectangle of stones, upon which the marker stone in the
center of the fort stands, we found some of our most inter-
esting relics. Besides bits of pottery, we found iron imple-
ments of various sorts, including a badly eroded shovel,
axes, and curious w^edges, which must have been a very early
form of toniahawk.
The writer made a personal visit a short time ago to the
great museum at Fort Ticonderoga, the site of so many of
the early French and American wars. As Ticonderoga was
not built before 1 756, it was not surprising to And that none
of the iron implenients were of the same form as those
found at Fort Ninigret. Pieces of very old iron which
looked like knives or daggers were found, as were the frag-
ments of pottery at an average depth of three and a half
feet underground. Very little of any kind was found above
three feet. One of the best authorities in Connecticut, Mr.
Bull, passed on these findings and stated that no such iron
had been found in the early shell heaps along the shores of
10 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
the Sound between the Pawcatuck River and the river
towns of Connecticut. In these same excavations, he had
found Jews' harps and other Dutch trading relics.
Now we were fortunate to find a great number of broken
clay pipes. On a number of these pipes were the initials of
the maker. I think we can say we have from six to eight
separate specimens. We are expecting to send these to Hol-
land because we understand that the early pipe manufac-
turers of Holland put their initials on their pipes. These
pipes are of at least five different shapes and sizes. We
found a number of specimens of trading copper, made of an
alloy, known to have been used by the Dutch in trading
with the Indians. We also found soapstone Indian pipes
with native copper bands. We found specimens of linen
and of what we believe to be trading cloth. It will take
chemical tests to ascertain the proportion of woolen or
linen in any of these fragments.
Our greatest find, in our humble estimation, was three
fragments of a fairly large platter which we at first thought
were parts of a Delft Dutch tile, but which on examination,
and being finally able to fit the three fragments together,
we found the whole outline of a plate, on the top side in a
circle of blue and white was the letter "R," a little over an
inch and a quarter in diameter. In addition, we found
another fragment of pottery in blue and white where the
blue lines were parallel in a waving pattern. We found
other small fragments of blue and white pottery, none of
which were large enough to give us a true line on them. We
found old glass in large amounts, one piece of which was
evidently a part of a tumbler as it was ornamented in yellow
and red bands, burnt into the glass.
At our request the United States Government sent Col-
onel F. M. Morgan from Fort Adams in Newport harbor
to assist us in attempting to find the age of the fort from the
soil. Over the entire inside of the fort for a depth of from
NOTES RKCARniXC THE ORK.IN OF FORT NIMGRKT 11
six inches to two feet and more was a heavy black mould
w^hich we haci presumeci was leaf mould. Colonel Morgan,
after an examination of all of our pits, told us it was grass
mould rather than leaf mould. The old writers, describing
the Narragansett Country in this vicinity, all state it was
more or less park like and we note that the Indians kept it
burned over. We found no evidence down to three or four
feet in our excavation which would lead us to believe that
trees of any size ever stood on this Point.
One of the striking results of our excavation was that,
while we found a great number of objects, all of which
tended to be Dutch in character, or at least foreign imple-
ments, w^e found only less than half a dozen arrowheads.
This is interesting from the point of view that in the level,
surrounding country of the original Narragansett-Niantic
Reservation, one can find arrowheads everywhere.
As you may know, we have the very pertinent declaration
by Captain John Mason that he came from Saybrook Fort
in the summer of 1637, and making no mention of a Dutch
trading post or fort on Dutch Island, he lancied opposite the
Narragansetts' main village, eighteen or twenty-six miles
away. There he spent the night endeavoring to obtain the
aid of the Narragansett chieftain to assist him in his attack
on the Pequot Fort at Mystic. From there he marched his
little army of ninety men and followers over land to a place
where he said a chief, named Ninigret, lived in a fort. This
fort he surrounded, warning none of the Indians to come
out until he was joined the next morning by the Narragan-
sett warriors who w^ere to go with him and who persuaded
Ninigret to go w^ith them. With him, of course, he had
Uncas, chief of the Mohegans, and Wequashcook, a Pequot
chieftain and brother of Ninigret from the Niantic country
in Connecticut. This completed his Indian following. I^'roni
there he marched twelve miles to the Pawcatuck Rixer and
so on to take the Mystic fort by a surreptitious route from
the north. Historv tells us that Miantonomo, Uncas,
12 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Ninigret, and Wequashcook were all leaders of this Indian
following.
We also made some attempt to excavate under a house
from about a half to three-quarters of a mile to the west of
the fort. Eight or nine years ago in digging for the founda-
tion of the house, there was found a cannon^ and a sword of
European manufacture lying about a foot and a half on top
of six or eight Indian graves. We found the man, who
made the excavation for this cellar, and he has drawn a plan
for us. He told us that there were still other Indian graves
unexcavated because the owner, Mr. Arnold, only wished
to disturb the ground in a section of a part of the cellar
under this house, owned at the present time by his niece
and nephew.
Through the courtesy of your librarian, we had excellent
photographs made of the cannon and sword from all points
of view. We took these photographs with us to New York
and had the two best experts on armor, living to-day, give
us an opinion of their age. One of them showed us a stand
of sixty like swords, none of which were exactly like the
sword found under the Arnold house. This gentleman
dated the sword as at least back of 1600. However, at the
Metropolitan Museum, the Curator of Annor, Mr,
Grancsay, gave us as his unquestioned opinion that the
sword could well date back to 1 550. In each instance, both
gentlemen declared the cannon to be of a very early
breechblock type. In fact, the cannon could go back to the
fifteenth century. Now we are convinced from walking all
over the ground in the vicinity of Dutch Point, Fort Nini-
gret, and the old Indian Reservation, that the cannon and
sword came from the original Narragansett burying
ground. Until, however, we find something of like fashion
within Fort Ninigret itself, we are hardly ready to say that
the cannon and sword came from Fort Ninigret, but we are
keeping in mind the possibility that there were two forts on
illustrated in R. I. H. S. Coll. XV, op. p. 2+.
NOTES RKGARDINC. THE ORIGIN OF FORT NINIGRET 13
Dutch Neck, one built after the other without disturbing
the first, so that it very well may be that we may have found
one of the very early existing fortifications in America.
Before we make any hnal decision in this matter, we feel
that whenever it is opportune that the Metropolitan Park
Commission should set aside a sufficient sum of money to
pay for excavating the entire interior of the fort to a depth
of at least four feet and, also, to continue the w^^rk of going
down to the water line of the presumed wtU inside the
center of the fort.
Now it is a curious coincidence that the one Dutchman,
who might be responsible for this fort, was Isaac de Rasier,
secretary of the Dutch West India Company, who came out
in 1626-^27 to investigate on behalf of the Company's
unfortunate conditions in the government at Manhattan.
He came, as is well-known, as far as the top of Buzzard's
Bay and paid a call on the leaders of the Plymouth Planta-
tion. He makes a clear statement that he does not under-
stand why the authorities at Manhattan have not done more
to develop the trade with the Indians. This letter was
w^ritten in 1627.
Now the initial of his name, you will note, is "R". By a
curious coincidence the only account, prior to 1600, that we
have of an exploration of the shores of Narragansett Bay
and Rhode Island, or possibly Long Island Sound, is of two
expeditions, the latter part of both the accounts of which is
lost to us: that is, after getting to a certain point in the story
of what these two expeditions did, the manuscript abruptly
ends. This is the account of the third vox'age of Jacques
Cartier in 1541 -'42. He left the port of St. Johns on the
Island of Newfoundland on June 14th to return to St.
Malo in France. He did not arrive until sometime in
October, or at least there is no record of his arri\'al until late
in October. As he was leaving the harbor of St. Johns, he
was met by the second part of his expedition, delayed a
whole year. He is met by Sieur de Roberval, who demands
that he stay and go back with him to Cap Rouge on the
14 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
St. Lawrence River. This Cartier refused to do and Rober-
val goes on to Cap Rouge there to winter in 1542-'43.
Roberval had a remarkable pilot for his ships, Jean
Alfonsce, and we have a number of accounts, one of which
is claimed to have been written, or to have been dictated by
Alfonsce, himself j also, a number of maps of the coast of
North America from. Cape Breton down to Brazil, Is there
by any chance a connection between the "R" of the plate
and the "R", the initial letter of Sieur de RobervaPs name,
the leader of this expedition? However, between 1543 at
the end of the year and the return of Roberval, there is a
sudden stop in RobervaPs separate account of the expedi-
tion. In both instances, these narratives end abruptly just
at the time we would like to know what they were doing in
those five or six months of their departure from New
France and their return to Old France.
From 1 543 to 1 600, we now have a number of narratives
and many hints that the French, Norman, and Basque
sailors came to our shores of New England. Let us give you
one instance. Going back to the first Dutch map of 1616,
there is marked on this map: at Fort Nassau on the upper
Hudson River:
"By as far as one can understand by what the
Maquaas say and show, the French came with
sloops as high up as their country to trade with
them."
Now by no understanding could these French traders have
reached the Mohawk or upper Hudson via the Richelieu
River and Lake Champlain and Lake George. Such French
visits would have been made up the Hudson River. As a
further proof, we have Andrew Thivet's clear statement
that before 1 556 he visited a French fort twelve leagues up
the Hudson River so that there is a bare chance that the
French may have had something to do with this fort in
which we are so much interested.
Now I have given you the above as a stranger who has no
NOTES REGARDING THE ORIGIN OF FORT NIXIGRET 15
background of the Narragansett Country's history but what
he has obtained by research. All of the known English
voyages after 1600 do not describe the Charlestown Pond
country although Gosnold in 1602 built a little fort on
Cuttyhunk Island. There can be no confusion between Fort
Ninigret and a possible fort, all signs of which are obliter-
ated, on the little island in the pond on Cuttyhunk.
We would very much like to have it understood that our
only conclusions are at this time that there is a real pos-
sibility that the Dutch built Fort Ninigret sometime after
1627 and before 1630 and that it was abandoned by them
when their trade was destroyed by the long Four Years
War between the Pequots and the Narragansett Indians.
In consequence, because of the silting up of the harbor of
Charlestown Pond, the Dutch when they returned in 1637
established themselves by purchase on a much safer situa-
tion: namely, Dutch Island. The main Dutch trade had
always been up the Hudson River. No other trade any-
where was comparable with it.
In 1624 the Dutch attempted to colonize the Fort of
Good Hope on the Connecticut, presumably at the mouth
of the river, Fort Nassau on the Delaware, and Fort
Orange on the Hudson, where previously in 1 623 they had
erected little trading forts. Two years later under Peter
Minuit, all these three sets of colonists were by order
returned to Manhattan Island where a much more preten-
tious stone fort, to be named Fort Amsterdam, was in the
process of construction. Very shortly after. Fort Nassau on
the Delaware was destroyed. What became of this first
little fort on the Connecticut is unknown to us.
There seems a fair probability that Isaac de Rasier either
built this Dutch fort on Dutch Neck near Charlestown
Pond or occupied an earlier fort about which some day we
may have more particulars. In the meantime, while await-
ing the result of a particular search of the records of the
seaports of the Basque Provinces in Spain and France, much
might be ascertained if a thorough investigation of the
16 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
ground within and adjoining Fort Ninigret was undertaken
under scientific methods of exploration.
Since setting down the above incidents, connected with
our search, we have shown the broken blue and white plate
with the letter "R" in its center to the best American
authority on Delft, Mr. Hans Middlekoopf, of New York
City. Mr. Middlekoopf at once declared it to be very early
Dutch Delft. Through fifty years of experience in handling
nothing but Dutch antiques and ceramics, Mr. Middle-
koopf, born in Holland, may be termed an authority. From
specimens in his private collection of Delft, obtained forty
or more years ago, he showed the writer the characteristics
of early Delft, dating from their origin from the Spanish
occupation of Holland between 1 545 and 1 574. The Span-
iards brought with them their own pottery and established a
majolica ware out of which the Dutch evolved the later
Delft. These fragments of the platter, Mr. Middlekoopf
declared without hesitation to have been made in the first
quarter of the seventeenth century.
Summing up then, we have the quasi evidence that here
in the vicinity of this fort, or within the fort, itself, have
been found a cannon, dating back to the fifteenth century, a
sword, dating back to the middle of the sixteenth century,
and pottery dating back to the first quarter of the seven-
teenth century, together with iron implements, used evi-
dently in trade, of such a nature as never have been dug up
in the northeastern part of the United States.
New Publications of Rhode Island Interest
An Ethnic Survey of Woonsocket, Rhode Island, by Bes-
sie Bloom Wessel, 1931, 290 pages.
Progranune of Celebrations in Connnenioration of the
Two Hundredth Anniversary of the Founding of Scituate,
Rhode Island, 1931 , with many illustrations of old houses.
/.
These candlesticks and candles were used at a ball given in honor of
George Washington at Hacker's Hall in Providence, on August 18, 1790,
during the brief visit of Washington to the city.
In the Society'' s Museum.
18 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Rope Yarns from the Old Navy by Rear Admiral Caspar
F. Goodrich, New York, 1931, Naval History Society, Vol.
XI, contains a chapter relating to the Naval Academy at
Newport, R. I. in 1861.
The Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society for
October, 1931, contains an article on the Bull family,
written by Henry Bull who died in 18-1-1.
The New England Quarterly for October, 1931, con-
tains two articles of Rhode Island interest: "Cotton and
Williams Debate Toleration" by Henry B. Parkesj and
"Aaron Lopez, Merchant of Newport," by Bruce M. Bige-
low.
Notes
The following persons have been elected to membership
in the Society:
Mr. Charles H. Keyes Mr. Webster Knight
Mr. William T. Peck R. F. Haffenreffer
An account of George Washington's visits to Providence
by Howard W. Preston will be found in the RJiode Island
Historical Society Collections for October, 1926.
19
ry^ ^f^- </.^^«^ ,,.^ >*«^ ^^^^^<^^ , /^/^ ^^^-^ ^-ytfrl'-f*^
Letter from Martha Washington containing a lock of
George Washington's hair.
In the Society''s Museum.
20 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Revolutionary Orders of 1780
{Original Manuscript o-'ucned by Frederick S. Peck.)
Details of a Detachment from Col. Clinton's Regiment to
get aid immediately August 4th 1780.
1 Serjeant 1 Corporal 15 privates
1 Capt. 1 Serjeant 1 Corporal 20 privates
From Capt Carrs Company For the Boat Service.
After Orders Augst. 4th 1780.
Genel. Stanton is to take immediate Conimand at Butts
Hill.
Genel. Miller at Bristol both to do all in their power For
mutual Support of all the Posts.
The Adjutant & Quart. Mastr. Genel. to Remain. A fre-
quent communication to be had with the Major Genel. as
he will give orders in urgent Cases but not for matters of
the Post.
Troops in Bristol are to be in as good Order as possible to
Cross the Ferry upon Alarm or Otherwise if orderd.
Seven Hundred men to Cross to Butts Hill as Soon as possi-
ble, provisions & other Stores to be Sent to Butts Hill from
Bristol as Occasion may Require.
Six of the Horse from papasquash to be Sent to Genel.
Heath & Four to Genel. Stanton as expressed.
General Orders Bristol x-\ugust 4th 1780.
The General is very much Surprised to heare Such a hreing
of guns in Camp it is not only a waste of ammunition but
very unsoldierlike he therefore orders every oiicer to take
notice and Confine any Soldier that may discharge his gun
in Camp at the main Guard where he may Depend on being
punished as Such Disobedience of orders deserves the Boat
Rr-:VOLUTIOXARV ORDERS OF 1780 21
Guard at Bristol ferry is to draw from the Commissary at
3 oClock this after-Noon half a pint of Rum pr man and
all the other Troops at this post are to draw a gill pr man
to be delivered to the Order of the Commanding Officers
of Regiments or Detachments.
Details for Guard
the Guard to be furnished from Colo. Peck's Regiment to
Consist of 1 Sub. 2 Serjt. 2 Corporals 21 privats.
the Several Brigades will also furnish from their Artillery
officers and Matrosses in the following proportion.
\'iz. Holdens 1 Lt, 1 Serjt. 1 Corporal 9 Matrosses
Stantons 1 Serjt. 1 Gunner 7 Matrosses
Lippet 1 Capt. 1 Serjt. 1 Corporal 1 Drum 1 Gun 1 fife
3 Matrosses
Miller 1 Corporal 5 Alatrosses.
The Commanding officers of Regiments and Independent
Companies will Direct that the ammunition and Camp
furniture to be Returned into the Publick Stores reserving
sufficiently for the officers and men furnished by the Re-
spective Corps those who are f urloughd will not be intild to
pay nor Rations during their absence the officers and
Soldiers Remaining on the Ground may Rest assured that
they will be relieved within twehe da\s time Capt. General
Returns both officers and men his warmest acknowledg-
ments the Se\'eral Brigades and independent Companys at
this Post with Pri\'ates in the Field. Near the meeting
House at half after Six oClock tomorrow morning and the
Troops at Butts Hill Praid at 9 oClock.
Bristol Head Quarters 6th August 1780.
His Excellency the Capt. General hathe Directed that the
Number of Officers and men in the Several Brigades and
independent Companys to Remain on Duty be furnished
ea the following proportion
22 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Viz.
Genel. Holdens Brigade 1 Major 1 Capt. 3 Subs, 5 Serjts.
5 Corporals 2 iifs 1 Drum and 99 Privates. General Stan-
tons Brigade 1 Lt Colo. 2 Capts. 5 Subs 6 Serjents 6 Corp-
orals 2 Drums 2 fifs and 1 59 Privas.
Lippets Brigade Capt. Sub. Serjt. Corp. Drums Hfs. Priva.
Millers
Independent Companies under Command of Colo. Day
Capt. Sub Serjents Corp Drum tifs Privats.
1 2 3 3 1 1 57
Exclusive of the above Number of officers and Soldiers
from the Several Brigades the following proportion from
their Respective of Horse are to be furnished first
3
5
7
7
3
2
213
2
3
6
6
2
2
94
Holdens Do
Sub
1
Corpl.
1
Trumpets
1
5 Privats
Stantons Do
1
Serjt.
1
1
1 0 Privats
Lippets Do
Capt
1
1
Corpl.
1
1 2 Privats
Millers Do
1
5 Privats
Head Quarters August 5th 1780
Middletown.
Generl. Varnum Considering the very busy Season of year
and the Length of time the Troop of the Rhode Island line
had been on the Ground at the Respective posts and from
their Patience and assistance in every kind of Duty being
fully Persuaded that they will Court Danger with eager-
ness Should an attack be made by the Enemy is Disposed to
give them every indulgence in his Power the Generals hav-
REVOLUTIONARY ORDERS OF 1780 23
ing therefore Consulted with the Brigades of the Line and
Receiving orders of his Excellency the Governor will grant
furlows to a large portion of theni upon Condition that they
agree among themselves who shall be the Persons to obtain
the Priviledge the Commanding Officers of Corps will be
instructed in what Proportion the furlows shall be Given
and upon application to the Major General they Shall be
given accordingly But is Expected that Leave of absence
will not prevent any from immediately Returning when the
Signal Shall be given of the Enemies approach.
Copy Jno Handy Aid De Campe.
Note. These orders were issued in connection with the military
manoeuvTes resulting from the appearance of the British fleet off Narra-
gansett Bay, sometimes referred to as the alarm of July, 1780.
Captain John Rous, R. N.
{^Continued jroni vol. XXIV , p. 170)
Illustrative Documents selected from the Rouse Papers,
recently presented to the Societv by G. Andrews Moriarty,
F. S. A.
I
DEED TO JOHN ROUSSE
On xA.ugust 31, 1743, Samuel Vernon and Ann Sanford
both of Newport, R. L, shopkeepers, executors of the last
will and testament of Samuel Vernon, late of said New-
port, Esq'", deceased, for 700 pounds currant money of the
colony old tenor, deeded to John Rousse "Two Certain
Lotts of Land adjoyning together and both together con-
taining in the Front upon the Street One Hundred and
Nineteen feet be the Same more or less and Extending
from saici Street Easterlv into the Cove or Salt Water and
24 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
are the Ninety Seventh and Ninety Eighth Letts in Num-
ber of the first Division of an allotment of a Tract of Land
called Eastons Point Situate lying and being in the Town
of Newport aforesaid of which Jacob Mott and Thomas
Cornel of Portsmouth and William Barker and Samuel
Thurston of Newport all in the Colony of Rhode Island
Yeomen were Original Proprietors Both said Lotts as they
lie together are bounded as followeth Viz\ Westerly upon a
Street Easterly upon the Cove or Salt Water Northerly on
the thirty Second Lott and Southerly on the One hundred
and Sixty first Lott of said Division of sd Allotment Or
however otherwise the Same may be butted and bounded or
Reputed to be butted and bounded Reference being had to
the Lotters Return together with the Map or Platts of sd
Allotment may fully Appear Together with the Dwelling
House thereon and all other the Buildings Wharf Improve-
ments Rights Profits Priviledges and Appurtenances to the
Same belonging or in any wise appertaining To have and to
hold the said Granted and Bargained Premisses with all the
Rights Profits Priviledges & Appurtenances to the same
belonging or in any wise appertaining unto him the said
John Rousse his Heirs and Assigns for ever to his & their
own sole proper use Benefits and Behoof for ever To be
holden of the said Jacob Mott Thomas Cornel William
Barker & Samuel Thurston Proprietors as aforesaid and
their Heirs as of the Manner of fee farm in free and Com-
mon Soccage by fealty only in lieu of all Service it being
Seated and Improved according to Regulation Yielding &
Paying therefore to the said Jacob Mott Thomas Cornel
William Barker & Samuel Thurston the said Proprietors
and to the Survivers & Surviver of them & to the Heirs &
assigns of the Survivers & Surviver of them at or upon the
twenty fifth Day of the first Month called March in every
Year at or near the Town of Newport aforesaid for ever the
full and just Sum of Forty Shillings in Currant Passable
Money of New England as shall Pass from Time to Tiine
at the Yearly Payments and as the said Jacob Mott Thomas
CAPTAIX ROUS, R. N. 25
Cornel William Barker & Samuel Thurston the Survivers
and Surviver of them or the Heirs or Assigns of the Survi-
vers & Surviver of them and so always from Time to Time
as their said Heirs or assigns or the Survivers or Sur\'i\'er of
them shall further Impower by Dispositions to Person or
Persons or to the Survivers or Surviver of them or to the
Heirs or Assigns of the Survivers or Surviver of them the
said John Rousse his Heirs Exec'^ Admin", or Assigns
shall yield and pay therefore to such Person or Persons so
appointed and Impovvered to accept in the Tenor above suc-
cessi\'ely from Time to Time the Sum of forty Shillings as
above the said Service at or upon the Day first above pre-
fixed in every Year at or near the Town of Newport afore-
said for ever And We the Said Samuel \^ernon and Ann
Sanford for our Selves our Heirs Exec". & Admin". Do
Covenant Promise & Grant to & with the said John Rousse
his Heirs & Assigns that at & before the Ensealing hereof
we have good Right full Power and Lawfull Authority to
Grant Bargain and Sell all the above Granted & Bargained
Premisses in Manner as abovesaid And that the said John
Rouse his Heirs &Assigns shall and may from Time to Time
and at all Times for ever hereafter by force Virtue of these
sd Presents Lawfully Peaceably and quietly have hold Use
Occupy Possess and Enjoy all the above granted & Bar-
gained Premisses free and Clear & freely & clearly acquitted
exonerated & Discharged of & from all Incumbrance what-
soever ( the above mentioned Yearly Rent or Service of
forty Shillings thereout Issuing to the Proprietors their
Heirs & assigns for ever only excepted)."
Note: This ciocument shows the form of a colonial deed
for land in which the original proprietors, or their suc-
cessors, retained an interest to the amount of a small annual
payment. For reference to obsolete forms of early land
tenure and transfer, see R. I. H. S. C. XII, p. 65, The
Tene})ient on Conhnicut, and R. I. H. S. C. XXIII, p. 1,
Foreclosure of Alortgage by Suit of Trespass and Eject-
ment.
26 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
II
A FLAG OF TRUCE PASS.
Rhode Island to wit.
By the Honble Gideon Wanton Esqr. Governor Capt.
General & Commander in Chief in & over the English
Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations
in New England.
To all to whom these Presents shall come Greeting.
FORASMUCH as it is the Usage and Custom of Nations
at War to exchange such Prisoners as the Parties take from
each other And to that End the Subjects & Vessels of one
Prince are by Way of Truce admitted into the Territories &
Ports of the Prince with whom he is in Enmity. And as
there are several of the Subjects of the French King & the
King of Spain now Prisoners of War in this Colony who are
desirous to be exchanged. Now to the End such an Ex-
change may be made for the Reciprocal Advantage of those
who by the Fortune of War have been deprived of their
Liberty. Be it known & manifest that I the said Gideon
Wanton in the name of my Sovereign Lord George the
Second by the Grace of God King of Great Britain &c. do
hereby Authorize & Impower John Rousse Master of the
Sloop Sarah of the Burthen of Forty five Tons or there-
abouts to take on Board said Sloop all the Subjects of the
French King & the King of Spain that are Prisoners of War
in this Colony &. such others as he may find else where with
all Stores & Necessaries that the Voyage may require & with
them proceed directly to the Island of Hispaniola with a
Flagg of Truce & there deliver up said Prisoners & receive
such English Prisoners as shall be given in Exchange for
them or such other Prisoners as have been heretofore
released without Consideration by this Colony since the
present War with France & Spain. And I do hereby strictly
Inhibit & Forbid the said John Rousse to take on Board any
CAPTAIN ROUS, R. N. 27
Military Force or Warlike Stores not doubting that the
Supream Officer there &. all whom it doth or may Concern
will grant him all due & lawful Assistance and Protection &
also according to the Established Custom supply him with
all Neccessaries (that the Voyage may require ) sufficient for
the bringing such English Prisoners into their own Country.
And I do also desire & request all Commanders of \^essels
of Force & others that may meet said Sloop on its Passage
either going or returning to exempt said Sloop & the People
thereof from all manner of Force and Constraint according
to the Laws of Nations. And that the Truth hereof may be
Established I set my Name and cause the Seal of the Colony
aforesaid to be affixed hereunto at Newport in said Colony
the Eighteenth Day of November in the Year of our Lord
One thousand seven hundred and forty seven And Twenty
first of the Reign of my Sovereign aforesaid
Gid: Wanton
Sealed with the Seal of the Colony aforesaid
By Order of his Honor the Governor
Tho Ward Secry
Note. A flag of truce pass or commission was issued to the captain
of a vessel to allow him to proceed, exempt from capture, between the
port? of two hostile countries in order to effect the exchange of prisoners
of war. The vessel was usuallv called a flag of truce. A certificate show-
ing that the flag of truce carried no contraband was also issued. A certifi-
cate of this sort, which is in the library of the Rhode Island Historical
Society, was printed in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. vol. 69, p. 78.
Ill
THE WILL OF JOHN ROUSSE
In the Name of God Amen
The Seventh Day of April in the twenty second \"ear of his
Majesty's Reign George the second King of Great Britain
28 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
&c. Annoqe Dom: 1749 I John Rousse of Newport in the
County of Newport & Colony of Rhode Island Mariner
being well in Body and of perfect Mind and Memory
Thanks be given unto God But calling to Mind the Mortal-
ity of my Body and knowing That it is appointed for all Men
once to die Do make and Ordain this my last Will and Tes-
tament That is say Principally and first of all I Give and
Recommend my Soul into the hands of God that gave it
and my Body I Commit to the Earth to be decently buried
at the Discretion of my Executrix herein after mentioned
and as touching such Worldly Estate wherewith It haths
Pleased God to bless me in this Life I Give and Dispose of
the same in the following manner & form:
IMPRIMIS I Will that all my just Debts & Funeral
Charges be well and truly Paid in some convenient Time
after my Decease.
ITEM I Give & Bequeath unto my Wife Jane Rousse the
Use & Improvement of all my Estate both Real and Per-
sonal for & during the Time she shall remain my Widow,
which shall be in Lieu of her Thirds of my Estate.
ITEM I Give Devise and Bequeath into my Son Thomas
Rousse and my two Daughters Jane Rousse & Sarah Rousse
all my Estate whatsoever both Real and Personal to be
Equally divided amongst them and to be Enjoyed by them
their Heirs and Assigns forever at the Decease or Marriage
of my said Wife that which shall first happen.
LASTLY I Nominate Constitute and Appoint my said
Wife Jane Rousse to be my Executrix of this my last Will
and Testament And I do hereby Utterly Disallow Revoke
and Disannul all and every other Wills Legacies Bequests
and Executors by me at any Time heretofore made named
29
30 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Willed or Bequeathed ratifying allowing and Confirming
this & no other to be my last Will & Testament In Witness
whereof I have hereunto Set my hand & Seal the Day &
Year first above written.
John Rousse
Signd Seald & Declard by the
said John Rousse to be his last Will
& Testament in the presence of us
William Broughton
Thomas Wevar
William Allin
{To be continued)
Bowen Family Notes
By Charles Shepard
In the Heraldic Notes on the Bowen family, printed in
the Collections for July, 1931, pages 132-133, the state-
ment is made that Dr. Richard Bowen, father of Jabez, was
"son of Thomas Bowen of Salem," who was son of Richard
Bowen of Rehoboth. Following the statement in Savage's
Geneological Dictionary of New England, Thomas Bowen
of Salem is frequently confused, as here, with the contem-
porary Thomas of Rehoboth and New London, and snice
the latter was a direct ancestor of that branch of the Bowen
family which was most prominent in Rhode Island, a few
notes on the two Thomases may not be amiss.
Thomas Bowen of Essex County, Mass., who was a resi-
dent of Marblehead and previously may have lived at
Salem, appears frequently in the printed Records and Files
of the Essex County Quarterly Courts. As nearly as can
be estimated from his conflicting ages stated at different
times, he seems to have been born about 1621-25, and at
BOWEN FAMILY NOTES 31
least as early as 1 646 he had a wife Elizabeth who was about
the same age. About 1645 he had been a servant of
Devereux. In 1642 he testified in court at Salem, which is
the earliest record of him that 1 have yet found.
The printed court records further show that his wife
Elizabeth was alive as late as 1662, while Thomas himself
was still living at Marblehead in 1681. Pope's Pioneers
states that adminstration was granted on his estate in 1 705.
He seems to have had children, but I have never had an
opportunity to follow this branch of the family further than
enough to make certain that he was a different man from
Thomas of Rehoboth.
The other Thomas Bowen, the father of Dr. Richard
Bowen, was apparently the youngest of the four known sons
of the elder Richard Bowen of Rehoboth, who was buried
there in February 1674/5. It is reasonable to guess that he
was born about 1633, so that he was nearly if not fully ten
years younger than the other Thomas of Marblehead. He
moved to New London, apparently about 1657, was living-
there in 1662, and still owned his land in New London
when he made his will in 1663, having then returned to
Rehoboth where he apparently died. His will may be found
in the Mayflower Descendant for 1914, vol. 16, page 128,
and that of his father is printed in vol. 1 7, at page 247.
No record has been discovered, so far as I am aware,
which identifies this Thomas of Rehoboth in any way with
Salem or any other place in Essex County. Confusion be-
tween the two men of the same name has been easy, espe-
cially since both had wives of the same name, Elizabeth. The
widow of the Rehoboth Thomas married Samuel Fuller of
Plymouth. Her identity, long sought, is apparently still
unknown, though it has been suggested without proof that
she was a Brewster. My own guess is that Thomas Bowen
met and married his wife Elizabeth during his years at New
London, and that further research should be among the
Connecticut records, rather than among those of the Brew-
sters or other Massachusetts families.
32 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
A most promising clue (printed in the Fuller genealogy
of 1910, page 185 ) is the power of attorney of 1667 from
Elizabeth Fuller of Plymouth, sometime wife of Thomas
Bowen, late of Rehoboth, and Samuel Fuller of Plymouth,
to their brother-in-law John Prentice of New London,
blacksmith, to sell Thomas Bowen's land in New London.
Thorough research upon the ramifications of the Prentices of
New London, by the Bowen and Fuller descendants of the
elusive Elizabeth, might yield rich rewards in authentic
information. Apparently it has never been attempted by
them.
As I am compiling a genealogy of the Bowen family,
with special though not exclusive reference to the descend-
ants of Richard Bowen of Rehoboth, I would appreciate
information on this family from any sources, especially
entries from famih' Bibles and data from other private
records.
Since the heraldic tombstone of Jabez Bowen has recently
been described in the Collections for July, it may be espec-
ially appropriate at this time to mention the family tradition
that the same coat-of-arms was cut on the tombstone of the
immigrant Richard Bowen of Rehoboth, buried February,
1674/5. Search in recent years has failed to find any trace
of the stone. Any further information tending to show that
the traditional stone either did or did not exist, would be
welcome.
Roger Williams Press
RJW
E. A. Johnson Co.
PROVIDENCE
WASHINGTON
EXHIBITION
February 15 to 21
1932 •
^^
In conimemonitioii of the Washington
bicentennial the Rhode Island Historical
Societ\' will hoJci a hjan exhibition of
objects relating to George Washington,
during the week of February 15 to 21,
19.^2, at the Society's building.
Rhode Islaind
Historical Society
Collections,
Vol. XXV
APRIL, 1932 ^'^ ;
WASHINGTON CAVALRY
Issued Quarterly
See page 33
68 WateIm^an Street, Providence, Rhode Island
CONTENTS
PAGE
Washington Cavalry .... Cover and 33
Queen's Fort ....... 34
Stony Fort . . . . . . , 37
New Publications o£ Rhode Island Interest . . 37
Notes . 39
Petacom's Deed of 1667 40
Extracts from Rhode Island Gazette, 1732 . . 41
Inciian Pottery . . ... . . . 45
Shipping Manuscript ..... 46
General Washington at Little Rest,
by William Davis Miller .... 47
Dorr War Flags . . . . . . 53
Treasurer's Report . . . . . . 61
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
\ OL. XXV
COLLECTIONS
April, 1932
No. 2
William Davis Miller, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Libraria?t
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
The Washington Cavalry
The illustration upon the cover of this number of the
Collections is reproduced from a water color sketch origi-
nally belonging to the family of Cyrus PVench, the hatter
of Little Rest. The subscription states that it represents
"A Model of the Washington Cavalry." The colors of the
original are as follo\vs: hat, blacky coat, red with brown^
facings, white buttons (probably metal ) j waistcoat, buff;
breeches, fawn; boots, black. The saddle cloth would
appear to be dark olive with white strips on the border.
The Washington Cavalry was chartered by the Assem-
bly in the June session of 1792. The incorporators were:
John Gardiner, Rowland Brown, Henry Potter, Samuel
Helme, Samuel E. Gardiner, Robert Potter, Jr., Christv
^It is believed that red coat was later replaced with one of blue with
buff facings but this cannot at present be verified.
34 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Potter, John Segar, Adam Helme, Jonathan Hazard, Jr.,
John Potter, Jr., Peter B. Hazard, Jeremiah N. Sands,
Griffin Hazard, Jeremiah N. Potter, Francis Hazard, Rob-
ert G. Sands, Rowland W. Hazard, William Perry, Nich-
olas Hazard, Nathanial Mumford, Thomas H. Hazard,
John Gardiner, Jr., and Gideon Hazard.
It was enacted that the rank and hie, exclusive of officers,
should not exceed sixty-five and that "the said Company
shall, at their own Expense, equip themselves with suitable
Cloathing, Arms and other Accoutrements . . ."
The first officers were: John Gardiner, captain j Rowland
Brown, first lieutenant ^ Henry Potter, second lieutenant
and Samuel E. Gardiner, cornet.
The Washington Cavalry coiitinued its existence until
some time during the year 1841 when it was evidently
disbanded, there being no further records regarding it
after that date.
W. D. M.
More About Queen's Fort
(Continued from \ ol. XXI \, p. 141)
The following items are printed from photostat copies
in the Society's library.
Sidney S. Rider, in letter to Hazard Stevens, November,
1898, said:
"In the matter of the Queen's Fort, or Wilkie's Fort, of which vou ask,
I have made some investigations, and there are but few references to it in
the early writings and never under either of these names. The Queen's
Bed Chamber is some what difficult of access some agility is required both
to get in and get out again. It is about 7 feet in height and will hold about
20 men.
"The Indian 'Engineer,' who designed the 'Fort' was the same one
who planned the defences of the Island on which was the Fort in the
Great Swamp Fight"
queen's fort 35
James N. Arnold, iii PeJi Pii/nres of Narragansett His-
tory y said:
" ]'hc Queen's Red Chamber consists of a square opening in a solid
rock, and partl\' covered Avith a tiiin stone. Here in this rock-bound scene
lived the widowed Queen, Magnus. Her dominions stretched awav to the
southward along the banks of a river that still bears her title Queen. Over
a tract of several thousand acres this woman held an undisputed swav. This
fact is interesting from its proving that the Narragansctt Indians did look
after the welfare of their women, and provided means of support for them
after their hunter had been taken from them."
[ames N. Arnold, in letter to Hazard Stevens, Decem-
ber 2, 1898, said:
"The name (Wilkie Fort) came from the first English owner of the
land purchasing from the Committee, this being a part of the vacant
lands. (55 Potter)
"Along the Queen's River from its source to its union with the Usque-
paug was set aside for the use and support of the squaw sachem, and a
guard of 24 warriors was detailed for this purpose, to guard and protect
her. Her name was Magnus. She was the widow of Meikie, the son and
heir of Canonicus, who was head of the nation. Magnus' cieath under the
circumstances was tragic. She was taken prisoner bv the Connecticut troops
in Phillip's war, carried to Connecticut and put to death.
"The source of the Queen's River is a spring on the south side of this
cluster of stones.
"You may judge how much of a tract her hunters rambled over when
you take the distance from here to Usquepaug.
"You observed on the west side of these rocks there is a patch of sand.
It was at this spot that the corn was taken Nov. 27, 167 5 (See Potter).
"Starting from the west side you crossed some rocks and there came a
break and then the great cluster. The chamber is well towards the west
part of this last clump of stones.
"There is a large flat stone that covers the entire chamber and tits very
close except on the south side which gives an opening of about two feet in
height and the width of the chamber in length. The chamber itself is
about 1 0 feet square and about six feet in the clear.
"I could reach the ceiling with my hands when I was in it. The room
is verv square and Well proportioned. I am really sorry you did not find it
but if one is not very careful he is apt to go by it.
"There is lots of tradition about the sheep stealers that one time made
this their rendezvous and also plenty of stories about the insane hermit
Revnolds all of which would write up quite a respectable magazine article.
Perhaps some time I might do this."
0'!
■\
♦ . ^
^,* .w.
j^xorrf/iiQ-fo 1kc
; ntduyifiouf.ond
f.
'/
uc*-
d oi
^'•'^ , r c r>
c,«^,
/:<
.v^
.^
^^
J
oXoi^
^
L^\
I
6' ><^l O".
r=^
^- 9/ Wd^r'rn low
^ri <" -5 >rtjf5. N^
^^ v^ y
"S
M
2 :^
x^
■t.
X:f
/■
- A
V*'
v^-
if'
'oa'^
SKETCH OF QUEEN S FORT BY WILI.ARD KENT
From pliotosti.it in the Society^s library.
37
Stony Fort
The document containing a reference to Stony Fort, that
was printed in R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. Ill, p. 407, and
mentioned in vol. XXIV, p. 149, is recorded in R. 1. Land
Evidences, vol. II, p. 200.
New Publications of Rhode Island Interest
Poto-ii-oj/uty an illustrated historical pamphlet of 26
pages by Anna M. M. Lawrence.
Some Further Papers Relating to King Philip's War, a
pamphlet of 14 pages issued by the Society of Colonial
Wars in Rhode Island, 1931, contains reprints of three doc-
uments in the Rhode Island Historical Society Library.
Earthquake Dan/age and Earthquake Insurant ti^ by John
R. Freeman, which contains an account of the earthquakes
that have occurred in Rhocie Island.
7/7 Praise of Antiquities, an address by Norman M.
Isham, published by the Walpole Society.
A genealogy of the de Chappotin family of Rhode
Island appears in the Selden Ancestry (pages 270-291)
which was published at Oil City, Penna., in 1931.
The Ne-zi' Enghnul Quarterly for January, 1932, con-
tains an article on "Rhode Island's First Court of Admir-
alty" by Marguerite Appleton, and on "Student Interest at
Brown 1780-1790," based on the contemporary letters of
Brown students.
The New England Hist, and Gen. Reg. for January,
1932, contains an article on the Littlefield Family of Block
Island by G. Andrews Moriarty, Jr.
George W ashi}igto}i and Rhode Island^ by John Wil-
liams Hale\', is an illustrated pamphlet of 40 pages, pub-
lished b\- the State of Rhode Island. ■
38 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The article by Richard Holden Tingley in The Sports-
man for January 1932, entitled Qyeat Rains of Little
Fishes refers to the rain of fish at Providence in 1900
which was described at length in the Providence Journal
of xMay 16, 1900.
The second volume of the Sullivan Papers, 1778-1779,
which is volume 14 of the Neve Hampshire Historical
Society Collectio}is, contains much of Rhode Island inter-
est, as these papers and letters relate to the period that
General Sulli\'an spent in Rhode Island. Indeed, this vol-
ume might well be considered a source book on one phase
of Rhode Island's part in the American Revolution.
The Sandvcich Papers, just published as volume 69 of
the Publications of Navy Records Society, London, 1932,
contains several references to Providence, Newport, Rhode
Island, and the Gaspee affair. The following item on page
1 73 IS interesting:
"You will please observe this bav runs 30 miles up into the country to
a town called Providence, through which place all the provisions came
for the supply of the rebel army at Boston; and it being navigable for
men-of-war sloops and even frigates all the wav up to Providence, we
might (had we possession of it) cut off the supplies from the rebel armv
at Boston, and from Connecticut it would be extremelv difficult in the
winter for them to be supplied.
"The town of Providence might easih' be kept possession of from its
situation, having a river on the left and a hill on the right which runs
along the back of the town. Providence is near a mile long, having but
one street along the river side, and lays nearh' north and south. At the
south end of the town, there is a river runs east and ioins to Providence
River, which makes a high point up to which it is alwavs navigable along
the town and from Newport and Rhode Island, from whence our troops
could easily be supplied with provisions."
Washington's Visits to Rhode Island, by Howard \V.
Preston, enlarged and reprinted froni the RJiode Island
Historical Society^ s Collections, October, 1926, is an illus-
trated pamphlet of 28 pages published as number 5 of the
Historical Publications of the Rhode Island State Bureau
of Information.
39
Notes
The following persons ha\e been elected to membership
in the Societv:
Mr. W. F.aston Louttit, Jr.
Prof. William T. Hastings
Mr. Dexter L. Lewis
Mr. Clarence E. Sherman
Mrs. John W. Holton
Mr. Richard LcB. Bowen
Mrs. Edwin A. Cady
John E. Donley, ALD.
Mrs. Charles C. Stover
.Mr. T. Robley Louttit
Mrs. Mahel B. Comstock
Mr. Charles Owen Ethier
Mrs. C. Oliver Iselin
Mr. William E. Brigham
Mrs. William E. Brigham
Mrs. Richard Rathbone Cjraham
Mr. Kenneth D. MacColl
Mr. Howard L. .\nthon\'
Miss Mary A. Jack
Miss Eleanor B. Cireen
Mr. William C. |ohnson
Mr. Emilio X. Cappelli
Mr. Edmund H. Parsons
Mrs. S. H. Cabot
The need for a new building for the Society is as urgent
now as it was last year, and it is hoped that sonie public-
spirited Rhode Islander wnll donate or bequeath the funds
necessary for a new building or for the adequate enlarge-
ment of our present building.
40 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
f>l''</» a ^TnaS fr^l: Ct>rA.Txiehl (^ irQ- 0'^^t *^'^ ^'<rio^l^.^C^ ct^i^t^:^ ..
f\nti<^t and rTtl-(&-- arv:/ A/a^m;-- 4-/uM.^7 <m fxrimc a»ii/ >TV»»^■>le1. occcftj^a fKxf»«vCj-
(~>ya^rtrr\ar< hoik liam *-A<:e^ t-rmc- ,>.ff?\e^ierr,h<mex} ^^hyxxt ■^^ujtvfi-v.t^yL f>oS^t6r/'\.'\.-^
An Unrecorded Indian Deed of 1667.
From (jriginal u:anuscript ozincd by Mis. R. S. Richmond.
41
Extracts from the Rhode Island Gazette
Since the publication in the Collections of October,
1923 (page 103), of the items of local interest that
appeared in the Rhode Island Gazette of 1732, four more
issues of the Gazette have been located. These copies were
mentioned by Hammett in his Bibliography of Nev:porl
(1887), but were not located by subsequent bibliographers.
Through the courtesy of their present owner, Mr. Edward
A. Sherman of Newport, we are able to print the items of
local interest in these issues.
RJiode Island Items
NEWPORT JAN. 11, 1733
On the 3()th past ciy'd Abraham Borden Esq; General
Treasurer of this Colony, after a few Days Illness.
On P'riday last was drawn the Lottery set forth by Mr.
Isaac Anthony. The House and Land fell to Mr. Josias
Tendon, Jun. and three or four n^iore considerable Prizes
to others of this Place.
Custom House Ne-vcport. Entered Inwards.
Coatts from Boneary. Out-'jcard Bounds None. Cleared
Outy Coggeshall and Norton for Suranam, and Ladd for
Barbadoes.
A D \' E R T I S E M E N T
No. 1 3 of this Paper concludes a Quarter. Those who
have taken it from the Beginning, are desir'd to pay their
Money to John Franklin of Boston, or James Franklin of
Newport; the Continuance of it depending on punctual
Quarterly Payments, or a greater Nuniber of Subscribers.
N. B. A good Correspondence is settled lor supplying
this Paper with P\)reign and Domestick Affairs, as well as
42 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Speculations, and may be better carryed on than hitherto it
has been if a farther Encouragement is given.
NEWPORT JAN. 25
Custo))! House Newport. Entered Inwards.
Wickham from St. Christophers, and Wilkinson from
Boneary. Outwad Bound. Coatts for Leward-Islands.
Cleared out. Brinn for Affrica, Wickham for St. Chris-
tophers, and Beaucham for Leward Islands.
ADVERTISEMENTS
To be sold by Mrs. Nearegrass, at her Shop in Newport,
a valuable Parcel of Books, consisting of Divinity, History,
Law, Physick, Plays, &c. most of them new, and well board.
N. B. They will be sold very cheap, the said Nearegrass
designating to leave off the Business of Book-selling.
(Advertisements are repeated from the issues of Dec. 21
and Jan. 1 1 )
N E W P O R T F E B. 2 2
We hear from Narraganset, That a Son of Mr. Green
(whose House was burnt at Warwick, as mention'd in one
of our late Papers ) had the Misfortune to Lose lately by
Fire his House, Shop and Corn Crib. 'Tis said nothing was
sav'd but part of the Corn in the Crib. And, That a Bridge,
a Mill, and a Forge were last Week broke down and carry 'd
away by the Ice coming down Pautucket River.
EXTRACTS FROM RHODE ISLAND GAZETTE 43
The issues of February 22 and March 1 are torn so that
only part of the ad\-ertisements remain.
They read:
A D ^^ E R T I S E M E N T S.
All Persons who have given Notes-r
port, for his Lottery Tickets,
This is to give Notice that
George Dunbar Esq ; is put
which Time it is not doubted
NEWPORT MARCH I
We hear above 50 \'essels were blown off the Coast of
New England the last Winter, and arrived in the West
Indies. Capt. Elliot, who was blown off to Antigua in his
Passage from this Place to Boston, is arrived at Martha's
Vineyard. A Sloop blown off, Sears Master, is arri\''d
here.
Custom House Nezi'port. Entered Inwards.
\'encent from \'irginia, Dyre and Sears from Eustaria,
Gullin from Hispaniola, and Waters from Boston. Out-
■zi'ard Bounds Briggs for Barbados. Cleared Out^ Bell for
Barbados, Linsey for Leward Islands, and Frame for
.Antigua.
A D y E R T I S E M E N T S.
THIS is to give Notice to all Persons whom it may con-
cern, That the Lottery set forth by John Dickenson of
Wariiick, is put off to the 26th of April next, and then to
be drawn, or sooner, if full, at Capt. Gorton'^s in Warwick,
in the Colony of Rhode Island; which Town is almost
twenty Miles nearer to Bosto)i than Ne-ii'port is, and just
b\' said Dickenson\\ Shop of Goods, which will be very
-+4 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
handy for those who draw Prizes of English Goods which
they do nor like, to return them and have them changed
for any other Sort of English Goods which suit them better.
This is likewise to give
Gentlemen that have
of the abovesaid, Le
a mind to venture
as much entitle
against
of Warw
- drawn in N
ting off the g
Country is the
there drawn.
Notice of th
ven in the Publ
fore.
To be sold, a Trace of
lying in North Kings
Mumford, Jun. and well w
Newport, about 60 Feet
with a good Dwelling House
Tenents, near the Prison Ho
1 2 Years of Age, and a Slo
Stocks. Enquire of James
port, and know further t
To be sold to the hi
the Prince's Head
Land belonging to it
Deep, the House abunt
Rooms below, and
Out-House fir for
Pump in it Thos
defit'd to meet at
(Advertisements from the issue of Feb. 22 are repeated )
INDIAN POTTERY
45
(^
e
.^*
r .li
Fragments of pottery unearthed at Charlestown, R. I., showing the
crude attempts at artistic adornment by early Narragansett Indian potters.
The upper ones were found in 1873 and the other one in 1921. Some
more pretentious artistic efforts of the Indians are described in the
R. I. H. S. Collections for July, 1919, January, 1925, and October,
1926, but those more pretentious attempts were probably in most cases not
the work of local Rhode Island Indians.
46 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Shipping Manuscript
It is thought by all concerned, that the A. M. had best
be ordered to touch Galinus & Cape Mount,* and if her
cargo will there purchase 380. or 400. and be dispatched
immediately to trade them and return — If such trade can-
not be made there, to proceed without loss of time & without
making any trade at the windward, to the Gold Coast, &
there make the best trade that can be made, with as little
delay as possible, & return — If capt. B, thinks from the
information he gets at Trinidad, that the Cargo is not suffi-
cient to put in 2. or 3000. dollars or other things as he may
think proper — Enquire in whose name the property of the
vessel stands, & what order or power has been given by the
apparent owner, for disbursing the proceeds, among the
real owners.
When the vessel with the Cargo arrives off Trinidad,
she will stand in back of the Kacilda and set a blue flag with
a white Ball, at the fore Top-Gallant mast-head — If she
can come in, answer with same Signal, and haul it down and
up three times, & then Keep it flying, if she cannot come in,
after raising it three times, haul it down — The vessel off
will do the same & wait vour instructions. (R. I. H. S. M.
XVn, 94.)
Note — This manuscript, which, from the paper and
handwriting, would seem to date from about the period of
the War of 1812, was recently presented to the Society by
Mr. W. H. Peck, together with other papers relating to
the shipping business of Nicholas Peck and Co., of Bristol,
R. I.
*Cape Mount, a headland in Western Africa at 6° 46N.
47
General Washinorton at Little Rest
William Davis Miller
In a sketch of the village of Little Rest during the latter
part of the eighteenth century and the first few years of the
nineteenth century, the late Rev. J. Hagadorn Wells' in
describing the various old houses, wrote: "Another of these
ancient structures stood well back on the northwest corner,'
where it described a quadrant of a circle into the north
road. In my early days it had reached a state of melancholy
decrepitude, and in the late twenties of the last century the
once noble, but then crazy old barrack, with all its ungra-
cious vicinage, was swept clean . . . The revolutionary
chapter of this old mansion's history contains the most
of interest. At that time it was the residence of Col.
Thomas Potter' . . . Colonel Potter entertained General
Washington and his staff at his residence when he was on
his way back to Newport after its evacuation by the British.
No doubt the Colonel accompanied the General and par-
ticipated in the brilliant reception which awaited him there
by the Anierican and French forces. Colonel Potter was
put in command of the garrison in the city^ . . . some
'This sketch was published in The Grisf, Rhode Island State College,
Kingston, 1901, and was entitled Ye Ancient Little Rest. The name
was changed in 1825 to Kingston.
"This is a reference to one of the four two storied gambrel roof houses
which formerly stood one on each corner of the four corners by the
village pump.
■'Son of Ictiabod and Deborah (Re\no]ds) Potter born 1738, died
1793.
■"This is probably not correct. Thomas Potter was Lieutenant Colonel
Commandant of the 3rd Regiment of the King's County Militia. Stiles
states on hearsay that "the Mass. (Sc Rh Isld. Militia were ordered to
Newport: G. Lincoln has the Command of them." The Literary Diary
of Ezra Stiles, Franklin Bowditch Dexter, ed., New York, 1901,' vol. H,
p. S21.
48
RHODE ISLAXD HISTORICAL SOCIETY
^St^
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^^
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GENERAL WASHINGTON AT LITTLE REST
49
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50 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
pleasant traditions have come down to us respecting this
brief visit at Colonel Potter's. One of his daughters in her
old age loved to tell the story of her being taken by the
General on his knee and enjoying a childish talk with hnn.
No doubt the child remembered more of it than did the
General."
There have been so many "pleasant traditions" as to the
whereabouts of Washington's lodgings on his various trav-
els that the credentials of the applicant to such an honor
must needs be carefully examined. Research has disclosed,
however, that the claim of Little Rest can be truly allowed
and that there is every reason to be sure that General
Washington spent the night of March 5, 1781, in that
village and that he probably was a guest of Colonel Potter.
Contemporary evidence can be produced in substantiation
of this assertion in the form of extracts from diaries of two
South County residents, and, most important of all, from
the expense account of the General's journey, kept by one
of his aides. Lieutenant Colonel Trench Tilghman. This
manuscript, preserved in the Library of Congress, through
whose courtesy it is reproduced herewith, gives incidentalh"
the itinerary of the journey and some of the inns patron-
ized, but unfortunately does not state where the nights
were spent. This can, however, be proven by the diaries
mentioned and other contemporary references.
A Connecticut diary states that General Washington
passed through Hartford on Sunday March 4, 1781' hav-
ing possibly spent the previous night in Farmington. Where
the party spent the night of the fourth is in doubt, but it
is possible that it was in Norwich in view of the fact that
there is reference to the town having been illuminated on
that evening. The first Rhode Island town mentioned is
'•The Literary Diary of Ezra S files, vol. II, p. 519. The reference on
page 5 22 is, however, incorrect in stating that General Washington
arrived in Newport on March 5th. Contemporary accounts from Newporr
give the date as March 6th.
gp:n'eral \vashin(;ton at littlk rest 51
"Kinnions," the present day Kenyons. Here $1900"' was
expended, probably for refreshment for man and beast,
and also $ 1 74 for two guides to conduct the party to "Pot-
ters at Little Rest" where they would appear to have
arrived during the afternoon of March hfth. The amount
spent in IJttle Rest is the largest item in the account, $2796,
a sum which, it is to be hoped, was not indicative of the lack
of hospitality on the part of the residents, but rather that
the stay made was longer and that necessary cost incidental
to refurbishing and replacing equipment, etc., for the entry
into Newport the next day, created added expense.
We have Hagadorn Wells' statement that General
Washington stayed at Colonel Thomas Potter's. This is
highly probable in view of the fact of the prominence and
military rank which Potter held, but it cannot be definitely
proven. "Potters at Little Rest" may mean Col. Potters,
John Potter's Inn or Judge William Potter's famous house,
the Abbey, further up the North Road. As General Howe
is stated to have accompanied Washington on this journey,
the solution would seem to be that Washington, and per-
haps Howe anci Tilghman, lodged at the Colonel's, while
the remainder of the party were accommodated at John
Potter's Inn. Save for Wells' reference, there seems,
unfortunately, to be nothing to clarify this doubt.
The next day, Tuesday, March 6th, two reputable resi-
dents of the old South Countv made entries in their diaries
•"'The sums in the expense acounts seem unreasonably large until the
depressed condition of colonial currency is realized. In 1780 the Genera]
Assembly of Rhode Island established a scale of depreciation for bills of
public credit. These tables expressed the value of one hundred Spanish
milled dollars in paper currency and were promulgated about four times
a year. With reference to the case point we find that in November 1 780
one hundred Spanish milled dollars equalled seven thousand, four hun-
dred paper dollars and in April 1781 one hundred Spanish milled dol-
lars equalled seven thousand, nine hundred paper dollars. It might be
of interest to add that in 1777 the ratio was 100 to 105 and that in
May 1781 it was 100 to 16,000. Bills of Credit and Paper Money of
Rhode Island, Elisha R. Potter, Providence, 1 880, pp. 1 1 ^.
52 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
to record George Washington's presence. The first, "Nailer
Tom" (Thomas B. Hazard), notes with his usual succinct
manner: "3 6 C. W. W. made Nails, went to Tower Hall.
Generril Washinton went Newport this Day. the Town
was Elluminated." ' On leaving Little Rest, Washington
made his way to the old South Ferry to cross to Conanicut
and from there to Newport. We find from the account
that each ferry toll was $288. On his way he passed by the
house of Jeffrey Watson, who lived near the ferry and
had, in fact, at one time owned and operated it.* Watson
noted that outstanding event by entering in his diary that
"On March 6th General Washington Rode by our House
with about Twenty Soldiers for a guard about ten o'clock."''
It is regrettable that General Washington did not keep
his diary at this date that we might have had his impression
of his visit to Little Rest, and it is also regrettable that there
appears to be no contemporary account of the entertainment
afforded him by the village, of the "ellumination," of the
possible guard of honor composed of a detail from the
Kingston Reds, of the jollity at "Joe Runnells" Tavern
and at the several other inns.
The only further reference to the General's visit comes
down to us in the tale of "Major" Lunt, who boasted of
the honor of having shaved the Father of his Country,
which is so amusingly told in the Jonny Cake Papers. ^°
Record, that cruel despoiler of traditional glory, deprives
Lunt of his rank and enters him as private and sergeant. On
February 7, 1834, Elisha Reynolds Potter, son of Col.
Potter, then a member of Congress, wrote to his son Elisha
that "In the time of the revolution Mr. Lunt watched a
'Nailer Tojji's Dhiry, Thomas B. Hazard. Boston, 1930, p. 20.
^Rhode hlatid Ferries^ Anna Augusta and Charles \ . Chapin, Provi-
dence, 1925, pp. 264 et seq.
''Ndrragdusett FrieiuPs Meetings Caroline Hazard, Boston, 1899, p.
167.
^^The Jo/in\ Cake Papers oj ''''Shepard T'^w," Thomas Robinson Haz-
ard, Boston, 1851.
GENERAL WASH I NcriON AT LITTLE REST
53
beacon that we had on the hill to light when the pjiglish
landed on our shores and had a gun that he was blowed up
with to lire for the same purpose. I want \'ou to see him and
git him to make application for a pension . . ." "
So the "pleasant tradition" of George Washington's
stay in Little Rest happily becomes an historical fact, a gen-
uine satisfaction that occurs but occasionalh' in the work of
historical research where the glamour surrounding the past
is so often rudely dispelled.
''From the Potter Papers. The pension was granted and is recorded
in the pension list published in 1X3 5.
Dorr War Flacks
The Rhode Island Historical Society museum contains a
collection of nine Dorr War banners, which were carried in
1 842. Illustrations of the interesting political banners are
shown in this issue of the Collections.
(The re\'erse side carried no design)
54
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
3i
b u
DORR WAR FLAGS
I
"* * ' 44
56
RHODE ISLAiND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
r-
u
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DORR WAR FLAGS
57
58
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
DORIi WAR !-L VGS
59
60
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
61
Rhode Island Historical Society
Treasurer's Report
INCOME ACCOUNT FOR YEAR 1931
Receipts
Annual Dues $2,770.00
Dividends and Interest 5,40 1 .44
Rental of Rooms 105.00
State Appropriations 1 ,500.00
$9,776.44
Expenditures
Binding $ 577.40
Books 706.97
Electric Light and Gas....' 46.1"
Exhibitions : 1 59.41
Expense 248.70
Grounds and Building 87.41
Heating 700.00
Newspaper 32.35
Publications 1,041.04
Salaries 5,580.00
Supplies 330.57
Telephone 63.95
Water 8.00
$9,581.97
Surplus Income Account 1 94.47
$9,776.44
62 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
STATEMENT OF CONDITION, DECEMBER 31, 1931
Assets
Grounds and Building $ 25,000.00
Investments:
Bonds
$4,000. Cedars Rapids Mfg. & Power Co., 5s,
1953 $3,228.88
3,000. Central Mfg. District 3,000.00
3,000. Cleveland Elec. Ilium. Co., 5s, 1939 2,565.42
1,000. Commonwealth Edison Co., 5s, 1943 965.25
4,000. Dominion of Canada, 5s, 1952 4,003.91
1,000. Western Electric Co., 5s, 1944 998.17
4,000. 61 Broadway Building, 1st Mtge.,
5><s, 1950 4,000.00
4,000. Minnesota P. & Lt. Co., 1st, 5s, 195 5 3,930.00
4,000. Monongahela \'allev Traction Co.,
1st 5s, 1942 ' 3,685.00
2,000. Ohio Pwr. Co., 1st and Ref. 5s, 1952 1,974.00
2,000. Narragansett Co., 5s, 1947 1,980.00
2,000. Shell Union Oil Corp., 5s, 1947 1,979.00
2,000. Koppers Gas& Coke Co., 5s, 1947 1,962.50
1,000. Indianapolis Power & Lt. 1st, 5s, 195 7 994.50
1,000. Texas Power & Lt. 1st Ref. 5s, 1956 1,021.2 5
1,000. Pennsylvania R. R. Deb. 4>ls, 1970 922.50
Stocks
54 shs. New York Central Railroad Co. $3,766.47
1 25 shs. Pennsvlvania Railroad Co 7,638.35
30 shs. Lehigh \'alley Railroad Co. 2,1 1 2.50
7 shs. Lehigh \'alley Coal Sales Co. 23 5.39
40 shs. Milwaukee Elec. Ry. & Lgt. Co., Pfd. 3,900.00
64 shs. American Telephone & Telegraph Co. 5,960.05
3 50 shs. Providence Gas Co. 5,75 5.68
1 5 shs. Providence National Bank ] , o^r. rvn
30 shs. Merchants' National Bank Bldg. \
45 shs. Blackstone Canal National Bank 1,050.00
52 shs. Atchison, Topeka & Santa Ee Rv. Co.,
Com '. 6,247.85
20 shs. American Power & Light 1,696.50
30 shs. Standard Gas & Electric 4s, Pfd 1,906.50
3 5 shs. Public Service of N. J. 5s, Pfd 3,327.63
1 0 shs. Public Service of N. }. 5s, Cum. Pfd. . 990.00
10 shs. Electric Bond and Share 5s, Pfd 922.00
84,519.30
Cash on hand 4,539.57
$114,058.87
treasurkk's rki'ort 63
LlAIULiriES
Equipment Fund $ 2 5,000.00
Permanent Endowment Fund:
Samuel M. Noycs $ 1 2,000.00
Henrv ]. Steere 10,000.00
fames H. Bugbee 6,000.00
Charles H. Smith 5,000.00
George L. Sheplev 5,000.00
Charles W. Parsons +,000.00
Edwin P. Anthony 4,000.00
William H. Potter 3,000.00
Esek A. Jillson 2,000.00
|ohn Wilson Smith 1,000.00
William G. Weld 1,000.00
Charles C. Hoskins 1,000.00
Charles H. Atwood 1,000.00
John F. Street 1,000.00
Franklin Lvceum Memorial 734.52
56,734.52
Publication Fund;
Robert P. Brown $ 2,000.00
Ira P. Peck 1,000.00
William Gammell 1,000.00
Albert f. Jones 1 ,000.00
William Elv 1 ,000.00
fulia Bullock 500.00
Charles H. Smith 100.00
6,600.00
Book Fund 3,0 1 2.41
Life Membership 5,5 50.00
Reserve Fund 1 ,0 1 5.37
Revolving Publication Fund 606.27
Surplus 1 3,766.62
Surplus Income Account 1 ,773.68
$114,058.87
Respectfulh' submitted,
G. A. Harrington,
Treasurer.
64 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
PRINCIPAL ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR 1931
Receipts
Edwin P. Anthony $4,000.00
John F. Street '. 1 ,000.00
Reserve Fund 402. 1 0
Revohing Publication Fund 69.00
$5,471.10
Balance January 1, 1931 1,650.54
$7,121.64
P
■WMEXTS
Electric Bond and Share, $5.00 Pfd., 10 shares $ 922.00
Pennsylvania Railroad Deb. 4>2S, 1970 922.50
Public Service Corp. of N. [., 10 shares 990.00
Texas Light & Power 1st Ref. 5s, 1956 1,021.25
Reserve 500.00
$4,355.75
Balance December 30, 1931 2,765.89
$7,121.64
Roger Williams Press I^A»
t
E. A. Johnson Co.
PROVIDENCE
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XXV
JULY, 1932
No. 3
HENRY M ARCHANI' S BOOKPLATE
Sc-f page 89
Issued Quarterly
68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island
CONTENTS
PAGE
The Lands of Portsmouth
by Edward H. West 65
New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . 86
Notes . . . , . . . . . 87
Roger Williams of Providence, not F. R. S.
by Winthrop Tilley 87
Marchant Bookplate .... Cover and 89
List of Members 90
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
'•«■«■•»**
COLLECTIONS
VOL. XXV
July, 1932
No. 3
William Davis Miller, Presiiie7it Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
The Lands of Portsmouth, R. I., and
a Glimpse of Its People
By Edward H. West
When the original settlers laid out the first settlement,
Pocasset, they immediately made laws governing the size
and location of the house lots. When we look back at them
and see the kind of men they were, then follow their laws,
as they made them, it does not seem possible that they were
men who, before coming over here, owned very little land
and had very little to do with government j besides, many
of them had no education. Of course, there were men qual-
ified to lead but they could not always agree or there would
not have been a split-up the first year.
66 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The land laws are what we are most interested In at this
time. The "Records of the Island of Rhode Island" is a
well preserved book and is the first book that they used. In
it is the "Compact" signed by the 23 original settlers. There
also are the first laws made by them. On the 20th, 3rd mo.
1638 — "It is ordered and agreed upon that every man's
allotment recorded in this Book shall be sufiicient evidence
for him and his, rightly to possess and enjoy."
One month later they considered the price, "Whereas
there be divers, as well inhabitants as Freemen, who have
taken up certain proportions of Land in the Island of
Aquidneck: It is ordered that they shall pay in liew thereof
2 shillings for every acre that they do enjoy and so the like
sum to be paid of all such who shall be hereafter
admitted as Inhabitant in to the Island: And it is ordered
that their monies shall be paid, the one half presently and
the other half at three months end, and it is further ordered
that those who shall pay in their monies shall bring in a
note unto the Company under the treasurers hand, his name
and lands then to be registered in the Records, according
to a former order."
On the 5th of the 9th mo. 1638: "It is ordered that
Mr Sanford and Mr Jeffries shall lay out the house-lots
for the Town, three acres to each house, to those not yet
provided forj and it was further ordered that those who
were upon the first discovery ( and freemen ) shall be pro-
vided according to six acres a houselot as near to their
houses as conveniently can be."
In time they outgrew the one book, for at the General
Court of March 1641: — "It is ordered that each town
shall provide a Town Book, wherein they shall Record the
Evidences of the Land: and shall also have power to give
forth a copy thereof, which shall be a clear evidence for
them and theirs to whom it is so granted. Also at this same
court was established the: —
"Tenure of the Lands of Aquidneck: It is ordered, estab-
lished and decreed, unanimously, that all men's properties
THE LANDS OF PORTSMOUTH 67
in their lands of the Island and the jurisdiction thereof,
shall be such and so free, that neither the State nor any
person or persons shall intrude into it, to deprive him of
anything whatsoever, that is, or shall be within that or any
of the bounds thereof, and this Tenure and Proprietary of
his therein, shall be continued to him or his, or to whomso-
ever he shall assign it for ever."
After a while it was found that many men had never had
their land recorded, and as some of it had changed hands,
and the former owners gone away without giving deeds,
some of the owners were not sure that they owned their
land; so at the General Court held at Newport, 1 3th of the
1st mo. 1644 they passed the following law: "It is ordered,
that for as much as according to divers orders by General
Court formerly made, That all such lands as were granted
to any, they should be recorded in the State Book, which
should be their evidence to perpetuity, and it now appear-
ing to this present Court that much land has been granted
unto divers persons who have made sales thereof, and have
since gone away, or departed from the jurisdiction, so that
the original Records cannot be in due form made: Be it now
established and decreed by the Court and the authority
hereof, that all who have made or shall make purchase of
any such lands, and shall sufficiently evince either by writ-
ing, bargain, contracts, or other testimony of the purchase
of any such land or lands before one Judge of the Court
and the Clerk of the Peace: that then the secretary shall
have full power to record the said lands in the State Book
to the purchaser; and in his name then holding the said
land, which record shall be authentic to him or them, their
heirs, executors or assigns, as if the said land had been
originally granted, and according to that Trust in all points
observed."
At a Town Meeting, held at Portsmouth, 5 Jan. 1660,
five men were chosen to order all highways belonging to
the town and to see them all recorded, they to be paid three
shillings apiece for each day's service.
68 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
At a Town Meeting held at Portsmouth, 9th July 1660,
all laws in the State Book were taken up and ordered to be
copied in the New Book: "It is further ordered where as
there is a book already procured which we now call by the
name of the Book of Land Evidence, the said book shall be
kept only for that use, for evidencing of lands therin, and
that those orders in the State Book, concerning the tenure
and evidencing of lands shall also be recorded therein.
"And for as much as there may be an appearence of
danger of having the said book lost by having it kept in a
remote place, and for the prevention of which danger it is
also ordered that the said book is left to be kept at the house
of Mr William Baulston untill the town take further order
about it." William Baulston kept a public house at that
time.
At this time we shall see what care those men took of
their records. At a General Court of Elections, Portsmouth,
May 1 6+7: "Be it enacted by these present Assemblie, that
the General Recorders Office shall be in generall, to have a
Coppie of all the Records or Acts of the Generall Assem-
blie, Generall and particular Courts of Judicature, Rolles
of the Freemen of the Colonic, Records, Sales, and Bar-
gains of Land, Wills and Testaments, and order of the
Townsmen touching the Intestate, Records of the Limitts
and Bounds of Towns, their Highways, Driftways, Com-
mons and Fencing, Privileges and Liberties. And for as
much as matters of greaters concernment ought to be kept
and preserved with the greatest vigilance j Be it enacted
that the Generall purchases, ( which are all we can show for
our right to our Lands, and the Charter, which is that which
gives us who are Subjects, right to exercise authority one
over another ) be kept in a strong chest, having four several
Locks annexed thereto, and that each Town keep a key
thereof, that so, as there is a common right and intrest
therein, there may be no access unto them in a divided way,
(lest also they be divided), but with a comnion consent.
And let it further be enacted, that this chest be kept in the
THK LANDS OF PORTSMOUTH 69
safest place in the Colonie: and the General! Recorder,
also, should have the key to the Room in which it is placed."
R. I. Col. Records. )
The General Recorder still keeps the key, as those who
have used those records know.
At the start of the settlement the lots were ordered to be
a certain size and the measurements were given. Later the
grants read, so niany acres "more or less, according to qual-
ity." The quality of the land governing the size of the lot.
I have not found any lots that were less than the stated
amount but in some cases the amount given was twice the
number of acres granted.
Many grants were never recorded and I found mention
of them as being the bounds of the adjoining land.
Some deeds are accompanied by depositions of men who
knew of the earlier transactions. In one case I found a deed
given by the son of a man who died before the sale was
completed.
In 1644 it was agreed that only the freemen who were
purchasers had power to dispose of the land. At the same
meeting it was agreed that all undivided land, north of the
Mill Swamp footpath, was to remain to the town forever.
In 1657 it was voted to dispose of 200 acres of land to
any who wanted it, but it was later decided to add 1 00 acres
more as the divisions would be too small. There was another
division in 1 693, while in 1713 practically all the commons
were laid out, the highways straightened and the town was
finished.
Since then very few new highways have been laid out,
the Turnpike being the only new one of any importance.
The others have been developed with the cutting of large
estates into building lots.
In 1640 there was an agreement about the Line between
Newport and Portsmouth: "The sd line to begin half a
mile beyond the Sachuest River, on the south east side of
the Island and so in a straight line to run to the nearest
point of the Brook to the Hunting Wigwam, now standing
70 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
in the highway between the two towns, and so by that line
to run to the north side of the Island."
In 1656 there was granted 70 acres to Bartholomew
West, in behalf of William Almy, near the line. This land
did not extend to the line, so when Newport granted land
in that section, it was run to the land of Bartholomew West.
At a Town Meeting, 5 Jan. 1660, it was voted to appoint a
committee to meet at the house of the said Bartholomew,
and lay out, with men sent by Newport, the Line as
recorded. This was done and the line was run in its original
location. The land granted by Newport was left to the
grantee but the purchase price of the land in Portsmouth
was to be given to the town of Portsmouth.
As we all know, the first settlement was at the Spring.
It has always been my supposition that the reason for
settling here, aside from the fresh water, was that the land
was more easily cleared, although I have found record of
a wood-lot. As more people came to the Island, and it was
found that land in other parts was better for agriculture,
this section was gradually acquired by several men.
The Town of Portsmouth was started soon after the first
settlement j in fact, part of the first settlement was included
in the town. Some of the house lots around Bristol Ferry
were arriohg the first grants. As finally laid out, the town
extended as far south as Sprague Street and from the east
shore to the west road.
In the center of the land between the East Road and the
West Road is a brook which runs into the Town Pond. This
was called the Town Swamp, and in the list of highways in
1661 the swamp is mentioned as being 25 rods wide at the
end toward the Town Pond, 33 rods about the middle and
1 1 rods at the end by Mr. Briggs. There was an unrecorded
highway running along this brook. At the first it probably
ran from Wind Mill hill, but Daniel Wilcox fenced the
south end of it. There was a jury engaged in investigating
this apparent steal, and although there were a number of
depositions saying there had always been a highway there,
THK LANDS OF PORTSMOUTH 71
the jury could rind no record of it in the list of highways
and so Daniel was allowed to keep this land.
Gradually the whole highway was granted to abutting
land owners. The water of this brook was probably used in
the homes, and I suppose the highway was closed to keep
the cattle out of the brook. At the junction of the roads was
a watering place, which, in 1713, was laid out as a public
place for the washing of sheep and a watering place for the
benefit of the town.
To the east of this place is a level tract of 4 acres which
was granted to Stephen Brayton in 1713. This land was
known before that time as the "Training Place."
At the head of the Town Pond is a tract known as the
Baulston Homestead. It was here that William Baulston
had his public house, which was the place where the Book
of Land Evidence was ordered to be kept.
On the west shore of the pond were the houses of Lott
Strange and of John Anthony. In 1656 they were granted
a right to dig a ditch, seven or nine feet wide, from the
pond to the dry land before the house of Goodman Strange,
"for the bringing up of any goods more conveniently. This
permission was needed as there was a road, until 1715,
around the shore to Bristol Ferry.
Just above the ferry is the 3 acre lot that Richard Searl
sold to Mary Paine, afterward the wife of John Tripp, for
a pint of wine. This sale took place, according to a deposi-
tion made by William Collinge in 1666, at the house of
William Baulston. We may suppose that Mary Paine was
a bar-maid in William Baulston's public house, and that
Searl, who was a very early settler, had become tired of the
place and was willing to sell out for one more drink.
Although he gave no deed, the Town Council ratified the
sale, and the land was used b\' John Tripp for the site of
his ferry house.
In 1719 the land to the south of the ferry was ordered
to be kept open for the convenience of the public in import-
ing and transporting horses, cattle, sheep, wood, etc.
72 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The 3 and 6 acre lots were on the east side of the road to
the ferry. They set back from the present road, and the land
between the lots and the road was granted in 1693 and
1713.
The first road we come to on the right, Stoney Lane, is
mentioned in the 1661 list of highways as "between Rich-
ard Bordens and Mistress Harts is a driftway 2 rodd
5 foot."
About 65 rods south of this there was a lane to the water-
ing place, mentioned in the 1661 list as the "lane between
Samuel Wilson and Job Hawkins." This was called Haw-
kins Lane; on the north side was the house of Richard
Hawkins, whose wife, Jane, was the friend of Anne Hutch-
inson. Their land was given to their son. Job Hawkins, who
sold it in 1660 and went back to Boston. I have found no
further record of him until 1683, when it appears that he
had returned to Portsmouth, a town charge. In the treas-
urer's report there are several items of expense for his care,
and finally there is 3 shillings 6 pence for a winding sheet
and 4 pence for a half pint of rum for the watchers. In the
1713 grants, part of this lane was granted to John Anthony
and the rest of it to John Keese, the then abutting land
owners.
Along the shore was the "Long Meadow," acquired of
several grantees by Samuel Wilbur. At the mouth of the
brook was the "Round meadow" of John Porter.
This brook was called the First Brook in 1643 when
Robert Ballou was granted 1 0 acres. Today it is known as
Willow Brook, but I prefer the name mentioned in 1659,
"Little Silver." Does your idea of those first settlers pic-
ture them as people who would give a brook such a name
as that:
Going down the west road, known in 1 71 7 as the Kings
High Road, we come to another brook. This must have
been very much larger in the early days, as it was then
known as the Mill River or sometimes as the Two Mill
River. On the bank of this river, nearly down to Freeborn's
THK LANDS OF PORTSMOUTH 73
Creek, stood the mill of James Sands and Samuel Wilbur,
the land being granted for it in 1 642. William l^'reeborn
purchased it in 1655 and it remained in that family until
after 1800. John Tyler also had a mill on this stream.
South of the river, in the center of the tract, was the "Great
Lot" of Randall Holden. Somewhat back from the road
stood the house of John Cory, at whose house the Town
Council met, and even after his death the meetings were
called "at the house of the widow Cory."
Continuing along this road we come to what is now the
property of the U. S. Government. This was part of the
240 acre grant to William Baulston. There is a small stream
running through it on which stood the mill, built by George
Lawton in 1648. There was also a way left to this stream
to give access to a watering place.
The highway that we passed was laid out in 1683 as
"highway 2 rods wicie beginning at the sea side on the west
side of the Island at the head of William Freeborn's lot
and so to run that breadth to the Common at the head of
the land laid out to Ralph Earl, dec." In 1717 it was
ordered a driftway down to the sea or salt water, "for the
benefit of His Majesties subjects to Pass and repass
through, both for cattle, horses, carts, wagons or any car-
riage or creature whatsoe\'er."
Somewhere on the next large farm there is a spot men-
tioned at a Town Meeting of 16 April 1657: "It is con-
sented unto b\' vote that Thomas Shrieve hath liberty to
sett down for the present upon that house plott that John
Porter hath given him liberty to sett down for the present,
upon his wife's peaceable and good behaviour towards her
neighbors: until] he can more conveniently provide for
himself or the town take further orders. Mr Williani Baul-
ston, Philip Sherman and Mr John Briggs are appointed to
speake with Shrieves wife anci William Charles anci George
Lawtons wife and to give them the best advice and warning
for their own peace and the peace of the place."
74 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Next we come to the Wading River on which stood the
mill of George Lawton, who was granted 40 acres "when
he hath built a sufficient mill for Mr. Baulston." Most of
his land was on the east side of the road, he having only
enough for a mill and his house on the west side.
As we cross this river, let us stop and think back to a
Town Meeting held on the 25th of April, 1 672 : "Whereas
this Town stands Indicted in the General Court of Tryalls
for the deficency of the Bridg on the Common nere Georg
Lawton's house: The Towne Conceive that Bridg is Occa-
sioned by the said Georg Lawton makeing a damm there:
and therefor doe conceive he Ought to Maintain the said
Bridg: Therefor the Towne doe Order that two men be
chosen by the Towne to go to the said George Lawton and
in the Townes behalf desire him to make the said Bridg
Suffitent, or otherwise leave the highway in the like Con-
dition it was before he made that damm," The persons
chosen were Robert Dennis and Sajant Jacob Mott.
Evidently the committee did not make a favorable
report at the meeting held 14 Oct. 1672 because "The
Towne doe now Order that men be againe sent to him to
Signefy that they are not Satisfied that a Bridg Should
Continew in the Towne Soe dangerous, and that if he doe
not take Some Speedy Course to mend it. and to make it
in a safe Condition for people to pase and Repase. the
Towne will be forced to take Some other Course therein
which they Rather desire may be prevented."
Back of George Lawton's was the 100 acre grant to
Thomas Cornell. South of this, Edward Hutchinson had a
grant of 100 acres, alsoj while Joshua Coggeshall acquired
all the land south of that as well as the Hutchinson grant.
But Joshua did not stop there j some of his land was in
Newport, and even today some of it is owned by his
descendants.
Turning through the road to the east we will stand upon
the bridge, called in 171 3 the New Bridge, as the west end
of this road was not cut through until then. To the north is
THE LANDS OF PORTSMOUTH 75
Wading River Swamp, while north of that is the Rtjund
Swamp. Here, also, was the farm of Thomas Cornell,
called the Circuit Farm.
On the south are the grants to William James, Hugh
Parsons, John Cranston, Nicholas Brown, John Room and
others. Farther east, before the days of the man-made
ponds of today, was the farm of Thomas Lawton, called
the Hunting Swamp Farm.
Continuing along this road we come to the site of the
Southern School House, where the widow Sarah Strange
took up her residence after the death of her husband; for
at a Town Meeting in 1 746, she and her family were
ordered out, so that the school house might be improved in
the use for which it was built. Was she an early Commu-
nist, demanding that public buildings be thrown open for
the people?
Let us now turn down the Newport path until we come
to a road, nearly to the line, which was laid out in 1713.
Turning east through this road we come to what has been
for many years known as Wapping Road. This road was
mentioned in the list of 1661, and ran between many of the
large farm grants. In the 1717 list of highways mention is
made of the "Great Rock" near the line, a great mass of
pudding stone.
The farms here belonged to Bartholomew West, Samuel
Hutchinson, and John Sanford. On the west side of the
road was the Long Swamp farm of Thonias Lawton, made
up of several grants which he purchased of the grantees.
On the east side was the farm of Thomas Burton, granted
in 1640, to run from the middle of the first water south of
the second sandy point to the middle of the fourth water.
In 1648, in a grant to Thomas Cook, mention is made of
Mr. Burton's ferry. I have never been able to find any
other mention of this ferry. I suppose it was probably the
first ferry to Fogland. Turning east thn)ugh a former road
we come to Sandy l-*oint farm, first granted to William
Aspinwall, and after he left, to Edward Hutchinson.
76 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
We will now take a cart path to the north, passing the
grants, on the right, to Ralph Cowland, Giles Slocum,
John Cranston and Thomas Cook. We now come to what
has been called for many years, the Glen. This was granted
to William Brenton but was acquired by Giles Slocum, who
built a fulling mill on the bank of the stream.
North of this was the farm of William Brenton, called
by him Middleford Farm. There was a broad approach to
this farm, for, in the 1 GG 1 list of highways it says, "the way
to Mr. Brentons farm from the Newport path is 20 rods
broad."
Returning to the Newport path we come to a brook, now
called Mint Water Brook, which crosses the road and runs
into what was known in 1657 as Briggs Swamp, when
Phillip Sherman was granteci 30 acres here. To the north
of this, on the east side of the road, was more of Phillip
Sherman's land, in what was known as Birch Swamp. Here,
also, was the land of William Almy, who fenced in the
road to the watering place and was compelled by the court
to open it again.
Turning to the west, we go up Stub Toe Lane and come
to a swamp on the north side of the lane, that is mentioned
in the records from 1649 to 1 728. It seemed to be a sort of
a land-mark and was called in nearly every case "Solentary
Hole." The name still fits the place.
Turning to the right, we come to Watch Hill. On the
corner of Mill Lane, a road cut through in 1713, was a
piece of land left to the town in the 1713 grants. On it was
a watch house, although at that time it was in a dilapidated
condition. Later on this land was used for a wind mill with
the understanding that: "Prcnided that in time of war the
town be not restricted ... in buikiing a watch house thereon
for the ciefence and safety of the said town."
At the end of this road we come to the old Quaker Meet-
ing House. This land was granted in 1 659 to William Cad-
man, sold to Robert Fish in 1688, and a half acre of it sold
by him in 1708 to the "people sometimes called in scorn,
THK LANDS OK PORTSMOITTH 77
Quakers, the land on which stands the meeting house"
which makes the building date before that time.
We are now at the top of Quaker Hill. Let us look in all
directions, as the view from here is of the best. To the
southwest is a large stretch of rolling land, some of it
swampy, the center portion of which was granted, to several
men, as early as 1648. The land bordering on the east,
south and west sides was not granted until 1713, while that
on the north end was granted earlier.
In 1692, Robert Hodgson sold 2 rods of land and a
house, on the south side of the road running west from the
meeting house, to the Quakers. This was probably their
first church. They sold it to Joseph Morey in 1 700, which
was probably the date of building the present church.
To the northwest is part of the Mill Swamp, land
granted quite early. Here were the grants of John Hall,
George Parker, William Hall and William Havens. Just
back of the Quaker land there was a mill dam.
Southeast of us were the grants to Thomas Slow, George
Lawton, his brother, Thomas Lawton, and William
Wodell. This land was acquired by Thomas Lawton.
Northeast were the grants of Edward Wilcox, Thomas
Spicer and Thomas Emmons. These were all acquired by
William Wodell.
Let us look down the hill and try to picture the story as
told by Daniel Lawton, 25 September, 1 664, at the inquest
on the body of Thomas Brownell: saying "yesterday in the
afternoon, Mr Thomas Brownell, being at Thomas Law-
ton's house, Mr Brownell asked the deponent whether he
would ride toward Portsmouth town along with him, the
deponent answered he would. So they both rode together,
and when they were going down the hill at the head of
William Wodells ground, Mr Brownell put his horse on a
gallop afore the deponent, whereupon the deponent also
put his horse and presently out ran Mr Brownell and got
afore him, and so continued on his gallop some distance
before he looked back to see where Mr Brownell was, then
78 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
he spied his horse running alone out of the way into the
swamp, whereupon the deponent forth with, not mistrust-
ing eminent danger to the man ran and turned the horse
and brought him into the way where presently he saw
Mr Brownell lying on the ground, and the deponent called
but none answering he let the horse go and went up to him
and took him by the arms, whereby and also by the efusion
of blood from him on the ground he perceived the sayed
Brownell was dead." The verdict of the coroner's jury was:
"We find by evident signs and appearances, as a very great
efusion of blood, and the reins of his bridle being broken
and lying near to where he lay, as also an aparent sign of a
stroke on a tree near where he lay and some blood and hairs
sticking on said tree. That the said Brownell came to his
death by riding furiously down the hill, was thrown or
cracked against said tree and his skull broke and to the best
of our understancding his brains came out."
We will now go down the hill to Freeborn's Lane, known
in 1644 as the Mill Swamp Foot Path. Turning through
here to the New Lane, laid out in 1 694, we find a small hill,
called at that time "Apes Hill"; the reason for this name
being buried with the people of that time. The land from
a thousand feet west of this land was not granted until
1 694 and sonie of it not until 1713.
I will now read parts of some depositions, showing that
the difference in the people of then and now is not as great
as one would think. This is about a man who lived on
Freeborn Lane.
Joseph Johnson "Testifieth that he being at the house
of Benjamin Hall did ask said Hall's wife for a gill of
rumm, and the said Halls wife replied that she had no
lisence to sell but never the less she would let him have a
gill of rum & the rum was brought & when sd Johnson was
about to go away he asked what was to pay for the rum, but
sd Halls wife being gone to ride out, left change with her
younger brother to take pa}' for the rum & likewise the boy
did take pay for the rum "
THK LANDS OF PORTSMOUTH 79
Be fore me Giles Slocum Assistant.
Andrew Peters, late of Newport testirieth to the
truth of the above written evidence.
Before me Giles Slocum Assistant.
But here is another one.
"Andrew Peters testiheth being at the house
of Wm. Brightman came Joseph Johnson and would
have the above sd Peters go along with him then sd Peters
said he could not go with Johnson & then abovesd Johnson
told sd Peters he would give him a treat & nine shillings in
money and ye sd Thomas Cornell had hired sd Johnson to
gitt one to goe with Johnson to see who Johnson could gitt
drink of then sd Peters went with Johnson to one
house and asked for a dram & there was two women and a
boy one of theni women replies they did not sell drink nor
had they any lisens to sell so them two wonien got on a
horse & rod away then Johnson asked the boy for rum and
made him fetch two gills and Johnson gave the boy one
piece of money but who that boy and them two women was
or what their names was sd Peters doth not know sd
Peters & Johnson went to ye above Cornells house next
morning came Giles Slocum then Johnson & Slocum did
whisper together then sd Slocum writt soniething but what
it was sd Peters do not know nor never knew and further
ye sd Peters took no ingagement to any writting that Giles
Slocum writ and further saith not.
Taken upon oath Sept. 9th day 1 709
Benjamin Hall Justice."
On the opposite sicie of the road is the place called South-
side; on the plat made in the year 1726 and now in the
Town Clerks office, it is called New Town. This section was
hrst nientioned in 169.'?, being bounded by the land of the
widow La\' on the north and by the land in the possessit)n
of Nicholas Bn)wn on the south. It was cut up in a number
of \ery small di\'isions anci the grants dragged o\"er a num-
ber of years. This land did not carry a freehold with it;
80 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
that is, the grantee, if he owned no other land, was not
entitled to land in any other division of the commons.
Turning up the road on the left we come to Wind Mill
Hill, now called Butt's Hill. In the first records this is
called Brigg's Hill. There was probably a wind mill erected
here very early. In July, 1667, the governor gave orders
for the erecting of a beacon on Mill Hill.
Just above this road is the smallest grant on record, aside
from those in South Side, j/2 acre to Benjamin Chase of
Tiverton.
We have now come to the east side of the town. Not only
were there 3 and 6 acre lots but also 2 and 4 acre lots. I have
found no change in the laws or any information about this.
Here among others were the lots of John Briggs, John
Hall, Old John Mott, Thomas Jennings, Henry Percy,
William James, John Archer and many others.
There were also a few small house lots on the east side,
of the road. In this section was the land that Richard Hart
sold in 1664 to Peter Tallman "by Turf anci Twig," this
being one of the few instances of this mode of sale men-
tioned in the records.
In the settlement of the estate of Anthony Paine, widow
Rose Paine deeded 8 acres of land to Lott Strange. Under-
neath the copy of this deed is written, "This deed with the
above mentioned land I doe surrender to thee John Keese
and thine from me Lott Strange."
It was here that Anthony Emory kept his public house.
Anthony had a well in the highway into which a drunken
Indian fell one night and was drowned. Anthony was
indicted but the case was dismissed when he filled the well
up. The Indian, called by the English, Sam, was from
Mount Hope and was found dead 17 July, 1670. Among
the Indians testifying at the inquest were Tom Dumplin
and the Indian Squaw wife to the Sachem Phillip.
She testified that she heard Sani and Tom Dumplin have
many angry words together, the Sachem Sam saying to
Tom "go and fetch me a quart of drink" and Tom answered
THK l.AXDS OF I'OKTSM OL'TH 81
"no I will not " "I also heard Tom Dumplin telling
Sam he was always angry with him and bore him a grudge
for that he the said Sams father had formerly Burnt Toms
fathers and Brothers house and had also cutt his Brothers
hair."
Peter Tallman acquired much of the land in this section,
some of which he made over to Joan Briggs before they
were married. Peter must have been a nice neighbor, for
several times he was under bonds to keep the peace, and at
Court in 1688, Martha Lay, the wife of Edward Lay, tes-
tified that she was "still in fear of her life of Mr Tallman
and feared that some time he would murder her."
Edward Lay purchased his land in 1661 of Daniel Wil-
cox, who reserved one rod, where his wife was buried.
Here also was the home of Captain Richard Morris,
who acquired his land of sev^eral grantees but sold it all to
Peter Tallman.
Next we come to the road to Sanford's ferry. In 1661
this was a driftway 3y2 rods wide.
In 1 734 a committee was appointed to inspect the records
relating to part of this highway. They reported, "we find
the ancient records so much defased and torn that they are
all together uninteligible."
This next section of land was used for meadow land. I
have found no record of any house ever having been built
upon it. These grants were small: Samuel Hutchinson
owning 6 acres on the corner and next to him was the 3 acre
lot of John Sanford, then 3 acres belonging to Adam Mott
and next to that was the 3 acre lot of Thomas Spicer. This
was called Spicer's nieadow many years after he had sold it.
Next came 6 acres belonging to William Freeborn. In the
recording of this land it says by "grant and purchase from
others." Who the others were is not recorded. Then came
the Barn meadow of William Baulston. Between these last
two meadows there was a highway, 4 rods wide, down to
the brook. This was fenced in before Thomas Durfee
acquired the land from his father-in-law, Gideon I'reeborn,
82 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
and the town council ordered it opened up again. This was
not done for many years.
Opposite the Barn meadow was the 4 acre house lot of
Thomas Burton "on the hillside," granted at the same time
as his farm.
Turning by the Baulston Homestead we will take the
road to Anthony's Ferry. On the left is a driftway to San-
ford's Ferry that runs through the Calfs Pasture.
On the right is the first house lot of William Brenton,
butting upon the Town Pond. We have now come to the
site of the original settlement, where the lots ran from the
Great Cove.
On the north is the North or Claypit Field j in front of
us is the "Muskito" Marsh. North of this marsh is the
Flag Pond, while beyond that is the plat now called Com-
mon Fence Point, which was granted to William Brenton
in 1640, being 60 to 64 acres.
As we reach Anthony's Ferry we see what is now called
the Hummock but what was called in the early records, the
Great Rock or Great Rocky Hill.
William Almy was granted 8 acres in the southern part
and sold it to Richard Bulgar in 1646. More of it was
granted to Richard, but not the extreme southern end. This
was called Samuel Hutchinson's Hummock, but I can find
no trace of its ever being granted to him. Samuel Hutchin-
son never had any of his land recorded during his lifetime,
but when his will was recorded, many small records of his
land dealings were recorded, too.
Richard Bulgar cut a road of 2 rods in width to the west
of the Great Rock and gradually sold part of his land. His
first sale was to Richard Hart in 1659. This passed to
Peter Tallman and then to Thomas Durfee, who finally
acquired most of the point, which was spoken of in the old
records as the south east corner of the place called the
Common Fence.
Joseph Anthony purchased 2 acres in 1674, and in 1681
he was granted by the Town 45 rods on the east side of
THE LANDS OF PORTSMOUTH 83
Rocky Hill, from the Towns Common. The beach at this
point is declared in the 1717 list of highways to be Town
property and so to remain for the use and benefit of the
public for importnig and transporting horses, sheep, etc.
The following letter to the Town Council shows that
Richard had his troubles after Thomas Durfee moved to
his new land.
"Honorable
"the Complaint of Richard Bulgar that he demandeth
protection and Redress gainst drunken Indians who in their
drunkness broke down my fence in several places passing
between John Simmons his house and Thomas Durfee
where they had their drink: So that my Self being at the
last town meeting: in my abscence my wife was forced to
bolt herself within the house but Sassapanuitt being drunk
with other Indians attempted with throwing of stones
break open the door upon her and put her in a very great
fright; they taking the wood that lay at my door and throw
it about the ground and thus am I lately disturbed by
drunken Indians since drink has been sold there so that I
cannot be at peace by day nor night and my fence hath
been broken down in several places by the Indians to the
ground which disturbance I never had till Thomas Durfee
sold drink for a Red ress of which abuse I hope the Town
will take care to prevent for the future "
So shall I remain ye
friend and servant
Richard Bulgar.
In 1686, Richard Bulgar, then about 74 years of age,
made over his remaining land to the town, for the mainte-
nance of himself for life. In the town treasurer's report for
the \ear 1687 are the following items: — "a pint of honey
and a pound of figs for old Bulgar Is. 3d. to Joseph Tim-
berlake for the hire (jf an Indian to tend old Bulgar, 8s., to
Matthew (irennell for nails for old Bulgars coffin 6d."
84 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Let us now climb to the top of the Great Rock and it is a
climb, too. There is a grand view from here for we are
about 125 feet above the sea. Down the Pocasset River we
see Little Compton in the distance, then Punkatest and
opposite us the Pocasset Purchase. North of this is Assonet,
across the Taunton River is Swansea, then Sowams and
Bristol behind us. At all these places Portsmouth men were
early land owners.
I have heard it said that the reason for this spreading out
in the other towns was the grasping way of an Englishman,
striving for more land. I do not agree with this. They had
families in those days and had to have land for their sons
and the families that were to follow. Read over any of the
old wills of the early settlers; this son to have this land,
another to have land in some other town "where he now
dwells" and so on.
South west of us is Sanfords Cove, in which is the appro-
priately named Spectacle Island, first mentioned when
Samuel Wilbur sold it to Thomas Butts in 1665. Also the
2 acre "neck of land" granted to the same Samuel Wilbur in
1638. There, too, is the "little bay" mentioned by Nicholas
Brown, while Easton's Point stands out as it did when those
first settlers saw it. Over the land called by John Sanford,
Mackpela,* we see the marsh and Gatchell's Pond. Then
comes the Neck, on which was built the first meeting house,
while right across the mouth of the cove is that point on
which Thomas Gorton built his house, the possessor of
which was ordered in 1642 to keep the "ferrie."
How many have thought of the cause of the settlement
of this town? The leaders, Coddington, Clarke, Coggeshall,
Sanford, Wilbur Brenton and many others, were not men
*The onlv meaning I can find for Mackpela is a Biblical one, burial
-place. (Gen'. XXIII- 19, XXV-9.) Austin says that John Sanford had a
child born in 1640 who died young; possibly this child was buried there
although I do not think there ever was a house upon the land. John Sanford
had 8 acres here and sold it to Samuel Hutchinson. The exact location
can not be found.
THE LANDS OF PORTSMOUTH 85
who would with one accord leave everything and just start
another colony. These men were all settled at Boston, mer-
chants and artisans, some of them members of the General
Court. Boston was a growing place so why should they go
to a wild country and start another colony:
There came a day when 75 men of the Bay Colony were
disarmed because they met and talked about religion in a
way not in keeping with the leaders of that place. Who
started all this:
A woman, born 300 years too soon, Annt Hutchinson.
At her house were held the meetings at which those differ-
ences in the religious beliefs were discussed, differences
which led to banishment. Many of the men who settled
here attended those meetings and all the others were believ-
ers in this new doctrine.
What would have happened around here if these meet-
ings had ne\'er been held: These men would never have
left Boston, practically in a body, as they did. The Island
of Rhode Islanci, bound to have been settled some time,
would ha\'e had a far different story.
With another class of men, the conditions, which to us
seem to lock and interlock and forni the goxernment that
has worked out so well, would have probabh' been entirely
different.
Plymouth Colony possessed the land westerly to the
river; this would have remained in the possession of the
Bay Colon}", which would probably have claimed the north-
ern part of the state. Connecticut would surely have kept
the land to the Narragansett Bay and the islands would
have been dix'ided between the colonies.
We of this state should realize what a debt we owe to
Anne Hutchinson, for without her there would never hav^e
been Rhode Island.
86 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
New Publications of Rhode Island Interest
Rhode Island a?id The Sea by Howard Willis Preston,
a pamphlet of 140 pages issued by the State Bureau of
Information.
Rhode Island Three Centuries of Democracy by Charles
Carroll, in four volumes, illustrated, published by the
Lewis Historical Publishing Co., Inc., New York, 1932.
The Letter Book of Esek Hopkins hrst commander-in-
chief of the United States Navy, 1775-1777, transcribed
from the original letter book in the Rhode Island Historical
Society and just published by the Society as a volume of
151 pages in a limited edition of only 200 copies.
The Life of George Washington from a Rhode Island
Viewpoint, by Thomas F. Cooney is a pamphlet of 29 pages.
Bishop Berkeley, His Life, Writings, and Philosophy by
J. M. Hone and M. M. Rossi is a volume of 286 pages
printed in London in 1931.
Old Time New England for April, 1932 contains an
illustrated article by Daniel Berkeley Updike on the
restoration of the colonial altar piece of St. Paul's Church
at Wickford, R. I.
Americana for April, 1932, contains an article on
Rhode Island's Contribution to California by Eileen M.
MacMannus.
The New England Quarterly for April, 1932, contains
an article on Richard Partridge, Colonial A gent ^ by
Marguerite Appleton.
A History of Grace Church in Providence, Rhode Island,
1829-1929, by Henry Barrett Huntington together with
an Inventory of Memorials and Funds compiled by John
Hutchins Cady, Providence, 1931, 237 pages.
The Nezv England Historical and Genealogical Register
for April, 1932, contains an article on the Dickens Family
of Block Island by G. Andrews Moriarty.
ROc;ER WILLIAMS OF rROVlDENCE 87
Education ioY ]unt^ 1931, (p. 605) contains an article on
Samuel Gorton^ Champion of Liberty by J. F. Santee.
Antiques for May, 1932, contains an article on Another
Miniature b\ Gilbert Stuart.
Notes
The following persons have been admitted to member-
ship in the Society:
Mrs. Charles H. Smith Mr. Norman A. MacColl
Mr. Arthur S. Phillips Mrs. William R. Morrison
Mrs. Sechcr Edwards Mr. Ro}aI Bailcv Farnum
Mr. Stuart M. Aldrich Mr. Walter Frederick Dickinson
Roger Williams of Providence not F. R. S.
By WiNTHROP TiLLEY*
April 22, 1932.
My dear Mr. Chapin:
I am giving below the results of my investigation of the
Roger- Williams-a-member-of-the-Royal-Society rumor,
as you requested.
According to Birch's History of the Royal Society y a
Roger Williams was proposed a candidate for the Royal
Society by Sir Robert Moray ( Murray) at the desire of
Sir Paul Neile on January 27, 1663/4; he was elected
February 3, and admitted on February 1 7 of the same year
(1 375, 377, 385). The name of Mr. Williams also
appears as a member of two committees of the Society, as
of March 30 of the same year (T 406-407 ). The commit-
tees were the mechanical and that for the history of trade.
Birch also states "Mr. Williams was desired to bring in
his observations of the curiosities of England." (I 388.
This is in the same year. )
FVederick E. Brasch, writing in the Scientific Monthly y
(Oct. 1931, p. 343) has assumed that this was the same
Roger Williams who founded Providence. Investigation
of the matter, however, has led me to the conclusion that
it must have been another man of the same name.
88 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
So far as is known, the founder of Providence did not
leave the American colonies after 1 654. A signature of the
Williams referred to by Birch, however, appears on the
records of the Royal Society. You have told me that this
signature, a facsimile of which you have, diifers in impor-
tant respects from any known signatures of the American
Roger Williams.
OF PROVIDENCE, 1656 F. R. S. 166 +
The men who sponsored the election of Mr. Williams
to the Royal Society, Moray and Neile, were intimates of
Charles II. It is apparent from a scrutiny of Birch's His-
tory for several years prior to 1664 that Neile's chief
function as a fellow of the Society was to act as intermediary
between the Society and the King. If he had strong scien-
tific interests, the fact does not appear from Birch's account,
which is given in considerable detail. Moray who was the
"soul" of the Society during its early years, also carried on
negotiations with the King. He had scientific interests, but
chiefly in the fields of physics and astronomy. The only
work on the basis of which the American Roger Williams
could have been elected was his "Key," published twenty
years before the election in question took place. This work
was of philological and ethnological interest, but neither
Moray nor Neile seems to have had interests in those fields.
Furthermore, the radical political philosophy of the
American Roger Williams would have been anything but
palatable to Moray and Neile, both staunch and noted
Royalists, and the latter the son of an Anglican archbishop.
A scrutiny of the list of the known friends of the Ameri-
can Roger Williams at the time of his residence in England,
1652-4, as given by Dr. James Ernst (RIHSColl 24:123,
I 24 ) and in the Dictionary of National Biography, fails to
HKNRV MARC" 11 ant's BOOKPLATE 89
reveal any connections which might have led to his election
to the Royal Society.
The Roger Williams who was elected to the Royal
Society in 1663 4 seems to have been an obscure individual
about whom nothing is known except the fact of his election.
1 shall of course be glad to have you make use of any or
all of this information, as you see ht.
Yours very truly,
WINTHROP TILLEY.
P. S. I should add also that I examined the correspondence
of John Winthrop, Jr., himself a fellow of the Royal
Society, without finding any reference to the election of
Roger Williams, although he was in correspondence with
the American of that name in 1664.
*Mr. Tillev is working on "The Literature of Physical Science in
America from the Beginnings to 1765" as a Ph.D. thesis for the Depart-
ment of English, in Brown University.
Henry Marchant's Bookplate
The bookplate of Henry Marchant is reproduced from
an original through the courtesy of Miss Mary A. Harris.
Judge Henry Marchant, 1 74 1 - 1 796, was Attorney General,
1771-1777 and a member of the Continental Congress,
1777-1789, and a biography of him appears in Updike's
Memoirs of the Rhode Island Bar, pages 83-89 and in the
Biographical Cyclopedia of Rhode I slandy'p. 145. A note
accompanying the Marchant coat of arms, which is pre-
served in the family reads: "William le Marchant — son
of Josiasj William le Marchant — son of James; Eleazer
le Marchant — son of Thomas petitioned for Arms in 1689
as being descendants of Peter le Marchant of the Isle of
Guernsey, who lived in the year 1300, and from whom the
pedigree is traced down to the above said William,
William, and Eleazer, as appears by the Register of
Descents in the Herald's office. The arms are Azure a
Chevron or^ hefuceen 3 ozcls argent Legs of the second.^'
90
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
List of Active Members of the Rhode Island
Historical Society.
June 1, 1932
Mrs. Joshua M. Addeman
Mr. David C. Adelman
Mr, Frederick W. Aldred
Mr. Edward K. Aldrich, Jr.
Miss Lucy T. Aldrich
Hon. Richard S. Aldrich
Mr. Stuart M. Aldrich
Mr. Frederick W. Allen
Mr. Philip Allen
Miss Ada Almy
Mr. Walter F. Angell
Mr. Howard L. Anthony
Mrs. Howard L. Anthony
Mrs. Everard Appleton
Mr. John B. Archer
Mr. Arthur H. Armington
Miss Maude E. Armstrong
Mrs. Edward E. Arnold
Mr. Frederick W. Arnold
Miss Mittie Arnold
Mr. James H. Arthur
Mr. Donald S. Babcock
Mr. Albert A. Baker
Mrs. Charles K. Baker
Mr. Harvey A. Baker
Mr. J. Willard Baker
Miss Mary H. Balch
Mrs. Walter S. Ball
Rev. Clarence A. Barbour
Mrs. Sarah Minchin Barker
Harry Lee Barnes, M.D.
Miss Sarah Dyer Barnes
Miss Hattie B. Barns
Mr. Fred H. Barrows
Mr. Earl G. Batty
Mrs. Daniel Beckwith
Mrs. Herbert G. Beede
Mr. Horace G. Belcher
Mr. Horatio E. Bellows
Mr. Bruce M. Bigelow
Mr. George E. Bixby
Mr. Zenas W. Bliss
Mrs. Edward W. Blodgett
G. Alder Blumer, M.D.
Mr. J. J. Bodell
Mrs. Theodore P. Bogert
Harold Bowditch, M.D.
Mr. Richard LeB. Bowen
Mrs. Charles Bradley
Mr. Claude R. Branch
Mr. John B. Branch
Mrs.' William C. H. Brand
Miss Alice Brayton
Miss Elizabeth H. Brayton
Miss Ida F. Bridgham
Mr. Herbert O. Brigham
Mr. William E. Brigham
Mrs. William E. Brigham
Miss Eva St. C. Brightman
Mrs. Clarence A. Brouwer
Mr. Clarence Irving Brown
Mr. Cyrus P. Brown
Mr. Frank Hail Brown
Mrs. Frank Hail Brown
Miss Isabel R. Brown
Mr. John Nicholas Brown
Madelaine R. Brown, M.D.
Mr. Wilbur D. Brown
Mr. Alfred S. Brownell
Mr. Edward C. Bucklin
Mr. Harris H. Bucklin
Miss Clara Buffum
Mr. Frederick H. Buffum
Mrs. William P. Buffum
LIST OF MEMBERS
91
Mr. Edward |. C. Bullock
Mrs. Edward\f. C. Bullock
Mr. G. Rothwell Burgess
Mr. Edwin A. Burlingame
Mr. Raymond Buss
Mr. Alfred T. Butler
Miss Irene B. Butler
Mr. G. Edward Buxton
Mrs. S. H. Cabot
Mrs. Edwin A. Cady
Mr. John H.Cadv'
Mrs.'Charles A. Calder
Miss Helen G. Calder
Frank T. Calef, M.D.
Mr. Herbert C. Calef
Mrs. Walter R. Callender
Mrs. Wallace Campbell
Mr. Emilio N. Cappelli
Mr. Thomas B. Card
Mrs. George W. Carr
Mr. Edward Carrington
Mrs. Marion P. Carter
Miss Anna H. Chace
Mr. Malcolm G. Chace
Mr. Henry S. Chafee
Mrs. Everitte S. Chaffee
Prof. Robert F. Chambers
Mr. Arthur D. Champlin
Mr. George B. Champlin
Mr. George Allen Chandler
Miss Anna Chapin
Charles V. Chapin, M.D.
Mrs. Charles \'. Chapin
Mr. Howard M. Chapin
Mrs. Howard M. Chapin
Mr. William P. Chapin
Mr. Frederic L. Chase
Julian A. Chase, M.D.
Edmund D. Chesebro, M.D.
Mr. Albert W. Claflin
Mrs. Edward S. Clark
Mr. Prescott O. Clarke
Mr. Eugene A. Clauss
Prof. Theodore Collier
Mrs. Clarkson A. Collins, Jr.
Mr. James C. Collins
Mr. Edward L. Coman
Mr. Jonathan F. Comstock
Mrs. Mabel B. Comstock
Mrs. W. A. H. Comstock
Mr. Walter J. Comstock
Mr. William P. Comstock
Mr. Charles D. Cook
Mrs. Charles D. Cook
Mr. Albert B. Coulters
Mr. Ernest S. Craig
Prof. Verner W. Crane
Mr. Frank H. Cranston
George H. Crooker, M.D.
Mr. Harry Parsons Cross
Frank Anthony Cummings, M.D.
Mrs. Frank Anthony Cummings
Prof. S. Foster Damon
Murray S. Danforth, M.D.
Mrs. Murray S. Danforth
Miss Edith R. Danielson
Mr. William C. Dart
Mr. David Davidson
Mr. Foster B. Davis
Miss Mary Elliott Davis
Mrs. R. C. Davis
Mr. Charles J. Davol
Mr. Herbert R. Dean
Mrs. Thomas Hart deCoudres
Prof. Edmund B. Dclabarre
Mr. Paul C. DcWolf
Miss Alice S. Dexter
Miss Eunice W. Dexter
Mr. Henry C. Dexter
Mr. Walter Frederick Dickinson
Miss Louise Diman
Mr. Fred Morton Dixon, Jr.
Mrs. Harriet M. F. Dixon
John E. Donley, M.D.
Mr. Michael F. Doolcy
Mr. Louis W. Downes
Mrs. Louis W. Downes
Mr. Robert T. Downs
Mr. Charles L. Drown
Mr. David Duncan
92
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Mr. Henry A. DuVlUard
Miss Margarethe L. Dwight
Mr. H. Anthony Dyer
Mr. William Allan Dyer
Mr. Charles G. Easton
Mr. Frederick W. Easton
Mr. Alfred U. Eddy
Mr. Cyrus T. Eddy
Miss Isabel Eddy
Mr. William Holden Eddy
Miss Harriet C. Edmonds
Miss Edith Edwards
Mrs. Seeber Edwards
Mr. Walter Angcll Edwards
Mr. James Elgar
Mr. William Ely
Mr. Frank W. Emerson
Mr. Robert S. Emerson
Mr. Ralph C. Estes
Mr. William Wood Estes
Mrs. William Wood Estes
Mr. Charles Owen Ethier
Mr. Roval Bailev Farnum
Mr. Walter F. Farrell
Mr. Henry A. Fifield
Mrs. Irving Fisher
Mr. Augustus H. Fiske
Mrs. Charles Fletcher
Mr. Elliot Flint
Hon. William S. Flynn
Mrs. Lawrence B. Fogarty
Mr. Allan Forbes
Mr. John R. P. Foster
Mrs. George H. Fowler
Mrs. Austen G. Fox
Mr. Hovey T. Freeman
Mr. John R. Freeman
Mr. Joseph W. Freeman
Hon. G. Frederick Frost
Mr. William Congdon Fry
Mr. Frederick H. Fuller
Mr. R. Clinton Fuller
Frank T. Fulton, M.D.
Mme. Annita Gaburri
Hon. Joseph H. Gainer
Mrs. Robert Ives Gammell
Mr. William Gammell
Mr. William Gammell, Jr.
Miss Abbie P. Gardner
George W. Gardner, M.D.
Prof. Henry B. Gardner
Mrs. John T. Gardner
Mr. Preston H. Gardner
Mr. Daniel F. George
Mrs. Louis C. Gerry
Hon. Peter G. Gerry
Mrs. Peter G. Gerry
Mrs. Alice C. Gleeson
Mr. Robert H. I. Goddard
Rabbi Israel M. Goldman
Mr. George T. Gorton
Mr. Harry Hale Goss
Mrs. Richard Rathborne Graham
Mr. Eugene S. Graves
Mrs. Eugene S. Graves
Miss Eleanor B. Green
Mr. Theodore Francis Green
Mr. Edward Aborn Greene
Miss Esther F. Greene
Mr. Thomas C. Greene
Mr. Ralph M. Greenlaw
Mr. William B. Greenough
Mr. Russell Grinnell
Mr. E. Tudor Gross
Mrs. Harold J. Gross
Mr. R. F. Haffenreffer
Hon. J. Jerome Hahn
Mr. John W. Haley
Mr. Ellery A. Hall
Miss Annette M. Ham
Mrs. Livingston Ham
Mrs. Albert G. Harkness
Mr. Gilbert A. Harrington
Mr. Benjamin P. Harris
Mr. Ernest A. Harris
Miss Mary A. Harris
Mr. Stephen C. Harris
Mr. Everett S. Hartwell
N. Darrell Harvey, M.D.
Prof. William T. Hastings
LIST OF MEMBERS
93
Mr. William A. Hathaway
Miss Caroline Hazard
Mr. Rowland Hazard
Mr. "riionias G. Hazard, Jr,
Mr. Charles F. Hcartman
Mrs. W. E. Hcathcote
Mr. Bernon E. Helmc
Mr. John Henshaw
Mr. Joseph G. Henshaw
Miss Mary G. Henshaw
Mr. Robert VV. Herrick
Mr. G. Burton Hihhert
Mr. William A. Hill
Mr. Frank L. Hinckley
Mr. Sumner W. Hinds
Mr. William L. Hodgman
Mrs. William L. Hodgman
Mrs. William H. Hoffman
Mrs. John S. Holbrook
Mr. George |. Holden
Mrs. John W. Holton
Mr. Charles A. Horton
Mr. E. Harris Howard, Jr.
Mr. Frederic W. Howe
Mr. M. A. DeWolfe Howe
Mr. Wallis E. Howe
Mrs. Richard G. Howland
Mrs. William Erwin Hoy
Mrs. George H. Huddy, Jr.
Mr. Sidney D. Humphrey
Mr. Horatio A. Hunt
Mr. S. Foster Hunt
Mrs. Duncan Hunter
Mr. George Hurley
Mr. James H. Hurley
Mr. Richard A. Hurley
Mr. James Hazen Hyde
Mr. William S. Innis
Mrs. C. Oliver Iselin
Mr. Norman M. Isham
Miss Mary A. Jack
Mr. Benjamin A. Jackson
Mrs. Donald E. Jackson
Mr. Thomas A. [enckes
Mr. George A. Jepherson
Mrs. Edward L. Johnson
George F. Johnson, M.D.
Mr. William C. Johnson
Mr. William L. Joyce
Dr. Lewis H. Kalloch
Mr. Francis B. Kceney
Mrs. Ellsworth L. Kellcy
Mr. Howard R. Kent
Mr. Charles H. Keves
Mr. H, Earle Kimball
Eugene P. King, M.D,
Mrs. Eugene P. King
Mr. Victor H. King
Lucius C. Kingman, M.D.
Mr. C. Prescott Knight
Mrs. C. Prescott Knight
Mr. C. Prescott Knight, Jr.
Mrs. C. Prescott Knight, Jr.
Mr. Robert L. Knight
Mrs. Robert L. Knight
Mr. Russell W. Knight
Mr. Webster Knight
Mrs. Webster Knight
Prof. Harry L. Koopman
Mr. John Krawczuk
Mrs. Henry S. Lanpher
Mrs. Dana Lawrence
Mr. George R. Lawton
Charles H. Leonard, M.D.
Miss Grace F. Leonard
Miss Anna L. Lestradc
Mrs. Austin T. Lew
Mr. Dexter L. Lewis
Mr. George H. Lewis
Mr. Joseph W. Lewis
Mr. Ferdinand A. Lincoln
Mrs. Charles Warren Lippitt
Mr. Charles Warren Lippitt
Mrs. Frances Pomeroy Lippitt
Mr. Gorton T. Lippitt
Hon. Henry F. Lippitt
Mr. Arthur B. Lisle
Mrs. Arthur B. Lisle
Mr. Alden L. Littlefield
Mr. Charles W. Littlefield
94
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Mr. Ivory Littlefield
Rev. Augustus M. Lord
Mr. T. Rohlev Louttit
Mr. W. Easton Louttit, Jr.
Mr. David B. Lovell, Jr.
Mr. Albert E. Lownes
Mr. Harold C. Lyman
Mr. Richard E. Lyman
Mr. William A. McAuslan
Mrs. William A. McAuslan
Rev. Lorenzo C. McCarthy
Mr. Kenneth D. MacColl
Mr. Norman A. MacColI
Mr. William B. MacColl
Mr. Arthur M. McCrillis
Miss Grace E. Macdonald
Mrs. T. F. L McDonnell
Mr. Benjamin M. MacDougall
Mr. Charles B. Mackinney
Mrs. Herbert E. Maine
Mrs. William L. Manchester
Mr. Charles C. Marshall
Mr. Edgar W. Martin
Mrs. John F. Marvel
Mr. Fletcher S. Mason
Mr. Harold Mason
Mr. John H. Mason
Mrs. William B. Mason
Mrs. George S. Mathews
Mr. Archibald C. Matteson
Mr. Frank W. Matteson
Mr. William L. Mauran
Mrs. William L. Mauran
Mrs. Frank Evcritt Maxwell
Mr. Harry V. Mayo
Rev. Charles A. Meader
Mr. W, Granville Meader
Mrs. Paul A. Merriam
Mrs. Charles H. Merriman
Mrs. E. Bruce Merriman
Mr. Harold T. Merriman
Mr. L B. Merriman
Mrs. L B. Merriman
Mrs. E. T. H. Metcalf
Mr. G. Pierce Metcalf
Mr. Houghton P. Metcalf
Mrs. L Harris Metcalf
Hon. Jesse H. Metcalf
Mrs. Jesse H. Metcalf
Mr. Stephen O. Metcalf
Lt. Col. Willis C. Metcalf
Mr. William Davis Miller
Mrs. William Davis Miller
Mr. George L. Miner
Hon. Louis Monast
Mr. G. A. Moriarty, Jr.
Mrs. William Robert Morrison
Mrs. Bentley W. Morse
Mr. Jarvis M. Morse
Mr. Edward S. Moulton
Mrs. Edward S. Moulton
William M. Muncy, M.D,
Walter L. Munro, M.D.
Prof. Wilfred H. Munro
Mr. Addison P. Munroe
Mrs. Addison P. Munroe
Mr. Walter M. Murdie
Mrs. James A. Nealey
Mr. Barnes Newberry
Mr. George P. Newell
Mr. Louis C. Newman
Mrs. Louis C. Newman
Miss Eliza Taft Newton
Mr. Roger Hale Newton
Mr. Paul C. Nicholson
Mr. Samuel M. Nicholson
Mr. Elmer D. Nickerson
Ira Hart Noyes, M.D.
Miss Mary Olcott
Mrs. Frank F. Olney
Mr. Erling C. Ostby
Mr. Harald W. Ostby
Mr. Harry C. Owen
Mr. Frederick A. Paige
Rev. Anthony R. Parshley
Mr. Edmund H. Parsons
Mr. G. Richmond Parsons
Mrs. G. Richmond Parsons
Miss Marv H. Parsons
H. G. Partridge, M.D.
LIST OF MEMBERS
95
Mr. Frederick S. Peck
Mrs. Frederick S. Peck
Mr. Stephen I. Peck
Mr. William H. Peck
Mr. William T. Peck
Mrs. F. H. Peckham
Kathcrine F. Peckham, M.D.
Mr. Augustus R. Pcirce
Mr. Clarence E. Peirce
Mr. George E. Pcirce
Mrs. George E. Peirce
Mr. John P. B. Peirce
Mr. Thomas A. Peirce
Mr. Charles M. Perry
Mr. Howard B. Perry
Most Rev. James DeWolf Perry
Mr. Marsden }. Perrv
John M. Peters, M.D.
Mr. Albert N. Peterson
Mr. Arthur L. Philbrick
Mr. Charles H. Philbrick
Mr. Arthur S. Phillips
Mrs. Frank N. Phillips
Mrs. Gilbert A. Phillips
Mr. Emil G. Pieper
Mr. Byron A. Pierce
Mr. Thomas L. Pierce
Herman C. Pitts, M.D.
Mr. Albert H. Poland
Mrs. William H. Poole
Lewis B. Porter, M.D.
Prof. Albert K. Potter
Dr. Arthur M. Potter
Mr. B. Thomas Potter
Mrs. Dexter B. Potter
Mrs. T. I. Hare Powel
Mr. Howard W. Preston
Mrs. Howard W. Preston
Mr. Robert S. Preston
Miss Evelyn M. Purdy
Helen C. Putnam, M.D.
Mr. Patrick H. Quinn
Mrs. George R. Ramsbottom
Mr. Walter E. Ranger
Mrs. C. K. Rathbone
Hon. Elmer J. Rathbun
Mrs. Irving E. Raymond
Mrs. Charles O. Read
Mrs. Joseph H. Regester
Mr. Charles C. Remington
Rhode Island State College
Mr. Dana Rice
Mr. Herbert W. Rice
Mr. John B. Richards
Gen. John J. Richards
Miss Louise Richardson
Mr. Henry Isaac Richmond
Mrs. George W. H. Ritchie
Mr. Leonard M. Robinson
Mr. Louis E. Robinson
Mr. Robert Rodman
Rev. Arthur Rogers
Mrs. Mabel K. Rogers
Mr. Henry W. Sackett
Mr. Kenneth Shaw Safe
Mrs. T. Shaw Safe
Mrs. Harold P. Salisbury
Mr. Henry Salomon
Mr. Henry T. Samson
Mrs. G. Coburn Sanctuary
Mrs. George C. Scott
Mrs. David S. Seaman
Mr. Henry M. Sessions
Miss Ellen D. Sharpe
Mr. Henry D. Sharpe
Mrs. Frederick E. Shaw
Mrs. George St. J. Sheffield
Mr. Charles Shepard
Mr. Clarence E. Sherman
Mr. Edward A. Sherman
Mr. Harry B. Sherman
Mrs. Arthur F. Short
Mrs. Philip B. Simonds
Mrs. Charles Sisson
Mr. William A. Slade
Mr. Henry L. Slader
Mrs. Charles H. Smith
Edgar B. Smith, M.D.
Mrs. Edwin C. Smith
Joseph Smith, M.D.
96
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Mr. Nathaniel W. Smith
R. Morton Smith, M.D.
Mr. Walter B. Smith
Mr. Ward E. Smith
Mrs. Whitney Smith
Mr. Sylvester M. Snow
Mr. Robert L. Spencer
Mr. William A. Spicer
Hon. Ernest L. Sprague
Mrs. James G. Staton
Hon. Charles F. Stearns
Mr. Walter H. Stearns
Mr. Thomas E. Steere
Mr. Oscar Frank Stetson
Mr. Clinton F. Stevens
Mr. Frederick A. Stevens
Miss Maud Lyman Stevens
Mr. Edward Clinton Stiness
Mr. Henry Y. Stites
Mr. George A. Stone
Mrs. Charles C. Stover
Mr. Charles T. Straight
Mr. H. Nelson Street
Mr. Henry A. Street
Mr. Rush Sturges
Hon. Arthur P. Sumner
Mr. Frank H. Swan
Mrs. Gardner T. Swarts
Hon. John W. Sweeney
Miss Louisa A. Sweetland
Mr. Robert W. Taft
Mr. Royal C. Taft
Benjamin F. Tefft, M.D.
Mr. Charles F. Thatcher
A'liss Jane Arnold Thomas
Mrs. J. P. Thorndike
Mrs. Frank W. Tillinghast
Mr. John A. Tillinghast
Louisa Paine Tingley, M.D.
Mr. F. L. Titsworth
Mrs. William O. Todd
Mrs. Stacv Tolman
Mr. Frederick E. Tripp
Mr. William J. Tully
Mrs. Albert C. Tyler
Mr. D. Berkeley Updike
Mr. William H. Vanderbilt
Mr. William A. Viall
Mrs. Arthur M. Walker
Mr. A. Tingley Wall
Mrs. Maurice K. Washburn
Mr. Frederick V. Waterman
Mrs. Lewis A. Waterman
Prof. Arthur E. Watson
Mr. Byron S. Watson
Mr. Edward L. Watson
Mr. John J. Watson
Mr. W. L. Watson
Mrs. William B. Weeden
Mr. Edward H. Weeks
Mrs. Edward H. Weeks
Mr. Richard Ward Greene Welling
Mr. Herbert ]. Wells
Mr. fohn H. Wells
Mr. Edward H. West
Mr. Thomas H. West, Jr.
Mrs. Elizabeth Nicholson White
Mr. Willis H. White
Mrs. Gerald Whitman
Mrs. Henry A. Whitmarsh
Mr. Roy F. Whitney
Mr. Frederick Bernavs Wiener
Mr. Frank J. Wilder'
Mrs. Elizabeth K. Wilkinson
Mr. Daniel L. Willmarth, Jr.
Miss Amey L. Willson
Mr. Percy J. Wilson
Mr. William A. Wing
Mr. Wilson G. Wing
Mrs. George P. Winship
A4rs. C. Howard Wood
Mr. Carlos G. Wright
Mr. Nathan M. Wright
Mr. Lawrence C. Wroth
Roger Williams Press r^A»
%'
E. A. Johnson Co.
PROVIDENCE
I Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XXV
OCTOBER, 1932
No. 4
THE
[N=z]
-Ifland Gazette.
WEDNESDAY, O c t f> b e r 4. 17^2.
FOREIGN A F FA I R S.
Edinburgh, July i.
ESTERDAY died
the Re>;. . ^r. John Gri-'
erfon,. one of tUe Mlni-
ftcrs of the Gofpel in
this Place, after a long
Indifpofiiion. He was a
pious good Man, an ex-
cellent Preacher, and once
Moderator to the Gene-
ral Aflenjbljr of this Na-
tional Church. .
Wbit shall, July ir.
.., ^_., ... This Bzf arrived an
F.xprcfs from jhc Eatl of Waldgrave, his Ma-
jetty's Enfibaffador Extraordinary and Plenipoten-
tiary at the Court of Ftancc, with Letters from
Mr. Reen, his klajcfty's MinLftet Plcnipotenti-
3rjr ,at Sevel^, dated July the 4th, N. S. giv-
iDg an account, that on the J7th of Uft Mouih,
'>e S))ani(h Gallics were got inco the P • of
1. th' 'i V ' • Lear ^
Tu|ki;, and Provifions in proportion, to employ
the Spjniardi ail the .Month afjulv before they
carf make thcmichcs compJjaMv Milters of'Oran,
h>Hijn, Juy 17. T;icrc arc Letters in Town
w^c/i fay the Spaniards were invited by the
M<|ors into B r lary, whi'.h is not unlikely, by
leafon they carried great Numhcis of fpare Arms
wi|h thenn. if it be fo, the Mo»rs propofe
to 'themlelves and their Pvfterity more Peace,
Qjiictnels, a-d lafting Hap nefs than ever they
cnry'd under th>.ir Turl^iili Governors.
- The follcwirgPr-^fnotioiis havehtcly been made
in the- Fia^s ot h's Mijdfy's Navy, viz.
Sir Charles Wager, Vice Admiral of the Red,
made Admiral ot tiie Blue.
j^ir G'-'ori^c Walton, Vice Admiral of the White,
injde Vice Admiral of the Red.
Salmi^n Moriis, Eiq-, Vies Admiral of the Blue,
nifde Vice-Admiral o{' tne White.
fhiljp Ovend'fh, Elq i Rtar Admiral of th«
Rpti, made Vicc-Admiial of itie Blue.
|ohn B-lchirr, Efq i Rear Alm'ral of the White,
tnide Rc-r;Adm' ' of th Kid.
C 3»' "> u? R "dmi'iloft' Blur
IHK KHODi; 1ST. AND GA/F.I IE OF 17.^2/
From original in tfiMLlf/>rifi)\'/jji jJ/l
Rhode hland Uistorird'r^/riw42
\
Issued Quarterly
68 Waterman Strf.kt, Providence, Rhode Island
CONTENTS
PAGE
The Rhode Island Gazette,
by Robert W. Kenny . . . Cover and 97
Thomas W, Dorr's Escape,
by Eleanor W. Talbot Smith . . ,107
Genealogical Notes,
by Edward H. West 109
Block Island Accounts,
by G. Rothwell Burgess . . . . 110
Hoyle Gravestones . . . . . .112
New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . . 113
Seals of the Rhode Island Admiralty Courts,
by Frederick Bernays Wiener . . . 114
Military Warrant of 1778,
Communicated by A. H. Armington . " . 115
Fort Flags . . . . . . .116
Westconnaug Purchase,
Communicated bv T. G. Foster ... . 121
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
■'*«S|l/j|Blllli«
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XX\'
OCTOBER, 1932
No. 4
William Davis Miller, Presidetit Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibi]it\' for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
The Rhode Island Gazette of 1732
B\ Robert W. Kenny
On Wednesday, September 27, 1732, the Rhode Island
Gazette^ the colony's first newspaper, appeared on the
streets of Newport. It was probably a modest fcjur page
sheet which was "Printed and Sold by James Franklin, at
his Printing House under the Town-School-House, where
Advertisements anci Letters to the Author are taken in."
James Franklin, ( 1696-1735), the first man to bring a
printing press to Rhode Islanci, had settled in Newport
sometime in 1726. The Gazette was not his first journal-
istic venture, iov he had had a brief, but acrimonious expe-
rience as a printer and editor in Massachusetts. Returning
to Boston, in March 1717, from his apprenticeship in
London, James Franklin had been commissioned by the
postmaster, William Brooker, to print the Boston Gazette.
98 rhodp: island historical society
After forty numbers had been printed, Philip Musgrave
was made postmaster, and to Franklin's dismay he awarded
the printing contract to Samuel Kneeland. Taking advan-
tage of the excited condition of Massachusetts over the
"inoculation war" Franklin then started the New England
Courant, August 6, 1721. The merits of inoculation as a
preventative of small-pox had divided the colony into two
hostile factions, the ministers supporting the practice and
the "liberals" opposing it as "unscientific." Under Frank-
lin's editorship the Courant became the chief "liberal"
organ, and devoted much of its space to attacking the
Mathers, Cotton, and Increase, who preached the virtues
of inoculation both in and out of the pulpit. The attack
must have been a telling one, for Cotton Mather declared
the paper to be: "A wickedness never parallel'd anywhere
upon the Face of the Earth ! "^
The Courant continued its pugnacious course, ever ciiti-
cal of those in authority. In June 1722, Franklin was
jailed for charging the colonial officials with negligence
in suppressing piracy. In January of the next year the
court forbade him to publish his paper unless it was super-
vised by the Secretary of the Province. In spite of such
devices as bringing the paper out in Benjamin's name, the
Courant did not flourish, and disposing of it sometime in
1726 Franklin brought his printing press and his talent
for argument into Rhode Island. In 1727, he began pub-
lishing such pamphlets as offered themselves, sermons and
the Rhode Island Ahuanac; in 1731 he, as the official
printer, put forth part of an edition of the laws of the
colony. Although he has been credited with first publish-
ing Bishop Berkeley's Alciphron or 77; <? M'nute Philoso-
pher, there is insufficient evidence for this. His known
publications of all sorts are listed in Rhode Island Imprints,
published in 1914.
^ Diary of Cotton Mather, Collection of Mass. Hist. Soc. 7 ser. VIII,
1912, 366.
JAMES franklin's PRINTING PRESS
Now ill Mechanics Building. Boston. .Mass.
100 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The Rhode Island Historical Society has photostatic
copies of all numbers of the R/iode Island Gazette extant:
fifteen in number. Five others are known to have been
printed. The first issue, lost unfortunately, must have
contained James Franklin's statement of principles, for in
Number Five, October 25, 1732, Wm. K — g — writes
praising the editor's stand.
"If vou suffer no Personal Scandal to have Place in your Paper
nor make yourself a Party to any religious Disputes, there will
be no Room for Exceptions against you, but what will ly equally
against all vour Bretheren in this Town, unless you should
appear duller than anv of them, which yet is no very easy
Thing."
Readers are also warned not to coniplain if: "the Paper
is not always full of important events, which Times of
general Peace and Tranquility do not afford." Tack of
seasonable news appeared to be one of the editor's diffi-
culties. Numbers Two and Four of the Gazette contained
four pages; it is not unreasonable to presume that Number
One did also. The rest however are only two pages each.
The frequently printed request of the editor for contribu-
tions, and the insertion of foreign news of doubtful interest
to Rhode Islanders would seem to indicate that James
perhaps regretted his stand for conservative journalism
which deprived his sheet of the piquancy which character-
ized the columns of the New England Courant. Foreign
news at times occupied more than half the paper; at other
times none at all was included. This would seem to point
to the non-arrival in Newport of ships with English news-
papers. Much space was devoted to the political moves of
the Papacy and the Catholic princes on the continent. A
letter from a correspondent in Rome to his friend in
London, obviously reprinted from an English newspaper,
is typical of many. It recounts a project to put the Chevalier
de Saint George, the old Pretender, on the throne of a great
north African kingdom. The advantages enumerated for
this plan are: Another Catholic monarch, a good in itself,
THH RHODE ISLAND CAZETTE 101
freedom from the attacks of the Barbary pirates, and finally
augmentation of the Papal revenues. The tone of this
dispatch shows great concern for Protestant supremacy,
and sex'eral snnilar pieces would seem to indicate that James
Franklin was taking full advantage of the anti-Catholic,
anti-Stuart feeling in the colony.
Other foreign items would seem to have been selected
on the modern journalistic principle of "human interest":
the overturning of a wherry on the Thames with the drown-
ing of a drunken man, a street brawl in Naples between
the son of the duke d'Agapello and a German officer, the
wondrous soldier of Metz, whose body when opened by a
surgeon disclosed 1250 stones of cherries, plums, and
apricots, and the death in London of the Flying Man from
bruises he received in his attempt to fly from Greenwich
steeple.
Of strictly local news the Gazette doubtless printed all
it could, but there never were more than a half dozen items
per issue, and several times none at all. By far the most
spectacular event in Newport during the short life of the
Gazette w^as the escape, in his wife's clothing, of a con-
victed murderer:
Yesterday Night, (October 10, 1732) his wife and child
going to visit him, after staying about half an Hour, she came
to the outward Door of the Prison, and desir'd the Prison-
Keeper to lend her a Mugg to fetch some Milk for her Hus-
band; adding, " 'Tis no Matter, now 1 think on't, there's
one in the Room with him." Presently after (the Prisoner)
having put on his Wife's Cloak and Bonnet, knock'd at the
Door; and the Prison-Keeper letting him into the Priviledg'd
Room, he walked through it in the View of him and several
others, who mistook him for his Wife. The Prison Keeper
going immediately to lock the Inner Doors, found his Prisoner
w\is gone, and his Wife and Child left in the Room where he
was conhn'd.
Although the militia was called out and all citizens were
ordered bv doxernor William Wanton to "make Hue and
102 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Cry" the condemned man was not recaptured, at least in so
far as the Gazette took notice of the affair.
On October 25, the Gazette, laconically reported: "We
hear that the Rev, George Barkley, Dean of London-
Derry, has given his P'arm on this Island, worth about
£3000, to Yale College in Connecticut." At this time the
future bishop was preparing to return to England after his
residence of nearly three years in the colony, a residence
which was extremely fruitful as far as Newport and
Yale College were concerned. It seems a bit surprising
that so generous a benefactor should depart from the colony
with such scant journalistic notice. These two entries are
the high spots of interest among the inevitable death and
weather notices. New England people even then were
showing that preoccupation with the weather which
prompted Mark Twain's jest. In 1732-33, apparently
there was considerable justification ^ for towns up and down
the coast reported extremely low temperatures. In Boston
the harbor froze so solidly that ox teams were driven over
the ice to Charlestown, and people walked down the harbor
to Castle Island, at what is now City Point. Philadelphia
items reported shipping at a standstill because of the frozen
Delaware River. An epidemic of colds which struck the
town in the late fall forced the suspension of services at
The Church of England and North Congregational Meet-
ing House, both pastors being "very much indisposed." So
too was the editor of the Gazette who, as Tim Truman,
apologizes to his readers for the dullness and flatness of
his paper, blaming part of it on the weather.
I have been grievous!;- seized with the late extraordinary
Cold, which so took away the Gloss of my Stile, as well as
obstructed my Thoughts, that I believe my Readers by this
Piece perceive mv Disorder, and that 1 am not altogether come
to yet.
The gloss of style was mostly to be seen in essays reminis-
cent of the Spectator and Tatler with which Franklin, as
Tim Truman, filled the columns of the Gazette when little
TIIK RHODK ISLAND GAZKTTK 103
real news was available. One Cleverkin, William Freeborn
of Narragansett, Tom Trueman, N. N. and \Vm. K — g —
are the principal contributors. Doubtless some of these
essays represent genuine reader opinion j it is certainly true,
however, that Franklin himself wrote some of them. Wm.
K — g — writes so completely and sympathetically of the
difficulties of conducting a paper in a small town that one
feels justified in ascribing the authorship of his letter to
the editor. The narrow circle of readers in the colony, he
writes, the paucity of social diversions, and the lack of
leisure which prevents readers from interesting themselves
in the genteel arts and sciences make the editor's task a
difficult one. Literary-minded readers will be prone to
compare the Gazette with The Spectator; the problems of
journalism in Rhode Island and London are compared, and
Wm. K — g — - closes by suggesting that subjects of a politi-
cal and economic flavor might be better suited to the habits
and interests of Newport readers. Several issues later
W^illiam Freeborn contributes a lengthy panegyric on the
excellencies of Rhode Island government:
When I rcricct on our happy Condition in this Colony, and
the most invaluable Priviledges we enjoy at the easiest and
cheapest Rate imaginable, I cannot sufficiently admire the
Wisdom and Felicity of our Constitution, nor enough applaud
the Discretion and Frugalit\- with which our Affairs have all
along been managed.
Rotation of office, absence of slavery and oppression, ancf
the utmost freedom of conscience move William Freeborn
to the poetic close:
"Hail, happy native Land! But I forbear
What other Countries must with Kn\y hear/'
The strictly literary articles in the Gazette are highly
imitative of current English stvle. The graceful essayist,
Cleverkin, warns against reproving faults in public, and in
the manner of Addison brings classical literature to his aid
by citing copitjusly frt)m Seneca anci Plutarch. Tom True-
104 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
man's ironic defense of Tattling is genteel in the extreme.
Tattling is a boon to those he refers to as the fair sex.
Their Work is a Burden to them at Home, hut taking it
abroad with them, hearing one Story and telling fifty, gives
Activity and Dexterity to their Fingers, and adds an exquisite
sharpness to their Needles.
The Gazette for January 25, 1732, prints a domestic
fable from the Pennsylvania Gazette signed by Anthony
Afterwrit. The author, as a bachelor, was very contented.
His present wife was to have a dowry of £200 if her choice
of a husband pleased her father. Anthony did not receive
the £200, but was happy, nevertheless, until Mistress
Afterwrit got a strong inclination to play the gentlewoman.
His modest furnishings were discarded, one by one, in
favor of much more elegant articles. Anthony feared for
his credit among the townspeople; he could not afford
such elegance. The good wife going on a visit to some rela-
tives, Anthony sells the new carriage, the mirror, the china,
and discharges the maid. Thus his credit is restored, and
this letter in the Gazette warns his wife to expect, upon her
return, to live upon a far more modest scale. The tone of
Anthony Afterwrit's preachment is so typical of Poor
Richard and his penny-pinching philosophy that it is not
surprising to hnd that Benjamin Franklin was the author.
Smythe, in his edition of Benjamin Franklin's works (Vol.
XI, p. 182), definitely identities Afterwrit as Franklin.
The brothers had settled their grievances by 1 73 1 and were
freely reprinting items from each other's papers. Such
borrowing was very common: indeed it appeared to be
necessary many times in order to have sufficient material
for an issue.
The colony had also two avowed poets. One Will Rusty
in octosyllabic couplets, characterized by stamping metre,
vented his broad humor in a poem entitled The Scatter-
waters. The other bard, a gentleman of much more sensi-
bility, preferred to remain anonymous. His theme was
love's ravages, and his vehicle was the heroic couplet.
THE RHODK ISLAND GAZETTK 105
Mv anxious Hours roll heavilv away,
Depriv'd of Sleep by Night, of Rest by Day:
My Soul no Respite from her Suffrings knows,
And sees no End of her eternal Woes.
His mistress is conventionally charged with cruelty and
indifference, in contrast to his sentiment to her,
You know m\' Passion is sincere and true,
I love you to Excess, you know I do.
Despite this touch of anti-climax Newport's love-struck
poet swears eternal loyalty to his love as he closes the
lament.
ril not resign you 'till my latest Breath,
I'll trace all Danger, run on an\' Death.
The advertisements and notices of any colonial news-
paper have great interest today; those of the Gazette are
no exceptions. Lotteries appeared to be the commonest
means of disposing of real estate, and fourteen such notices
appeared in the fifteen numbers of the Gazette which have
come down to us. The escape of run-away slaves was
announced and rewards offered. It was on December 14,
1732, that James Franklin published the Rhode Island
Almanack for the year 1733, fitted to the meridian of
Newport. Notices of its publication had appeared regularly
for some weeks preceding its appearance. As his more
illustrious brother Benjamin published Poor Richard's
Almanac, so authorship of the Rhode Island one was
ascribed to Poor Robin. Custom house notices of the arrival
and departure of ships give evidence of Newport's thriving
maritime trade. The average number of ships clearing the
port was seven per week during the life of the Gazette.
Names prominent in Rhode Island shipping history are
thus recorded in the paper: Tillinghast, Brown, Coggeshall,
Anthony, Howland, Cofiin, Brenton, Rodman and others.
An advertisement which was indicative of the editor's
difficulties appeareci on Januar\' 1 1, 1733.
106 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
N<i. 13 of this Paper concludes a Quarter. Those who have
taken it from the Beginning are desir'd to pav their Monev
to John Franklin of Boston, or James Franklin of Newport;
the Continuance of it depending on punctual Quarterly l'a\-
ments, or a greater Number of Subscribers.
The paper was in financial straits. Perhaps the venture
was too ambitious. At that time all of Newport County
numbered but few more than six thousand people. Scarcity
of paid advertising, then as now, spelled the doom of many
a newspaper. Boston, a far larger community, was sup-
porting two papers at the time with no little difficulty, and
the printers there had a considerable amount of political
prmtmg to augment then- scanty journalistic revenue. The
paper was probably well read, but Yankee thrift operated to
circulate one copy through many hands j this does not make
for prosperous editors. The last number preserved today.
Number 20, is dated March 1, 1 733, but we know that the
Gazette's final issue was on May 24th of the same year.
James Franklin died in February of 1735, and his wife,
an able and ambitious woman, attempted to revive the paper
but with no success. Not for more than a quarter of a
century was Rhode Island to have a permanent newspaper,
and it owed its existence to James Franklin, Jr., son of our
pioneer journalist, who in 1758 founded the Nezvpor/
Mercury. The printing press which James Franklin
brought with him from England when he set up as a printer
in Boston and later brought with him to Newport was
preserved for many years in the office of the Mercury. In
1790, an attempt was made to sell it for one hundred dol-
lars. The sale was not completed, for no one could verify
it as the one on which the illustrious Benjamin had worked
while serving his unwilling apprenticeship to his brother
James. The press is now on exhibition in Mechanics Hall,
Boston.
ThtMarylafid Gazette has been selected for comparison
with Franklin's paper because both served communities of
approximately equal population, Annapolis being nearly
THOMAS W. dork's KSCAPE 107
the size of Newport; and like it, a shipping center of impor-
tance. The following similarities are noted: Both print
much foreign news in default of local items. Both print
colonial proclamations in full, both feature letters from
readers tt) the editor, generally on pseudo-literary topics
imitative of Addison's Spectator papers. The poetry in both
is indifferent stuff, generally in heroic couplets. The adver-
tisements in both papers feature runaway slaves, almanacs,
'' and lotteries. For crispness of style the Rhode Island
paper is not inferior to the southern one. The failure of
the Gazette was regrettable, but in all fairness we may con-
clude that the times and not James Franklin were out of
ioint.
Refe
re nee s
The originals of the RlujJe Island Gazette are located as follows:
Rhode Island Historical Societv: No. 2.
Massachusetts Historical Society: Nos. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13.
Mr. Edward A. Sherman: Nos'. 15, 17, 19, 20.
There is a photostat hie in the Rhode Island Historical Society Library.
Extracts of local interest fnjni the Rhode hland Gazette were printed
in the Rhode Island Historical Soriety Collections for October, 1923 ; and
-April, 1932.
Thomas, I.: History of l^rinting in America.
Kane, Hope: janies Franklin, Senior, Printer of Boston and Newport.
Arnold, S. G.: History of Rhode Island.
Bayles, R. M.: History of Newport Count\-.
Hammett, C. E.: Bibliographv of Newport.
Thomas W. Dorr's Escape
1 he manner in which Thomas Dorr was safely taken out
of the State, when liable to arrest for causing the Dorr War:
Samuel Slater Greene was the namesake of Samuel
Slater who established the first cotton mill, in Pawtucket,
Rhode Island, and was brought up in his family.
108 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
For the greater part of his life he was agent for the
cotton mills in Bernon and Warden of St. James Episcopal
Church there, of which my father, Rev. Baylies P. Talbot,
was for twenty years the rector.
Mr. Greene was a gifted mathematician, a somewhat
stern but just man, whom everyone respected.
When the Dorr War occurred troops were stationed
along the Blackstone Valley seeking to capture Thomas
Dorr. Some of them were quartered in St. James Church.
Thomas Dorr managed to reach Bernon without being
discovered and Crawford Allen of Providence and Mr.
Greene concealed him in the back of the latter's carryall,
took the front seat themselves and proceeded to drive
leisureh' through the village.
A sentinel soon caused them to halt and said to Mr.
Greene, "Have you seen anything of Mr. Dorrr"
"Yes," answered Mr. Greene pointing with his thumb
over his shoulder, "Back there a little ways."
The unsuspecting sentinel thanked him, and the carryall,
drawn by one of the huge bay horses such as Mr. Greene
always drove, passed on and over the State line without
further challenge.
Years after, Mr. Greene told m\- mother of this occur-
rence which I have never seen mentioned in any account
of the Dorr War.
Eleanor W. Talbot Smith,
June 22nd, 1932. (Mrs. Arba Dike Smith),
Chatham, New Jersey.
109
Genealogical Notes
By Edward H. West.
TALMAN
The following extract from the Portsmouth, R.I. Land
Evidence shows that Peter Talman had one less daughter
than the lists of his children generally have.
Received of Ann Potter, wife of William Potter, four
and twenty shillings, which is for Twelve acres of land at
Least or more according to quallity, which was granted
unto her son Preserved Brayton, he being heir to his father,
Stephen Brayton, dec. belonging unto his freehold, by the
Town of Portsmouth at a meeting of the free inhabitants,
the 23 of the 1 2th month 1 693-4. I say Received by me the
21st of the Second month called April 1694.
John Anthony Town Treasurer. ( R. L L. E. L542. )
This shows that Ann Talman who married Stephen
Brayton in 1679, married, as her second husband, William
Potter.
WILCOX
The following proves that Edward Wilcox was the
father of Daniel Wilcox.
Daniel Wilcox to John Briggs — all my Right, title,
claims or interest unto any parcel of land granted within
the limits of the town of Portsmouth, which was my fathers
Edward Wilcox. 13th, 2nd mo. 1660. ( R. I. Land Evi-
dence, 1-16. )
110 RHODK ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
"R. D. D. His book And pen"
Conniiunicated by G. Rothwell Burgess.
In roaming around Block Islanci a number of years ago
I chanced to find in a long abandoned shed an old account
book inscribed as above, but with the full name. It was
dated "Newshorham" July the 27th, 1837. His entries
give us an idea of prices and goods of nearly 1 00 years ago.
This man kept a store in the rear part of his ancestral home
and farmed.
On one day he sold a silk handkerchief for 15 ctsj one
pare of glass lamps, i6-^ and loaned "3 shillings cash, 50
cts." On another he sold a hat for three shillings 50 cts^
and 2 bushels of potatoes 6 shil, 1 .00.
For "3 days tuging and harvesting" he paid $1.25. ( And
tugging was rightly named — it was digging out peat for
fires). Caleb harvested two days and was paid 50 cents,
while John Ball worked a day "diging stone" for 30 cents.
A day's work "walling" was worth 40 cts to another indi-
vidual, while his pound and a half powder cost him 37 cents.
A farmer is credited with 10 bushels of corn, $7.60 one
year old steare at $8.00; and 6 pounds of wool at 25 cents
a pound.
An ounce of lobelia cost 25 cents and of "hot drops"
12^ cents. For keeping one sheep over an indefinite period
he received 25 cents. He also did some carding and charged
25 cents.
He sold Celleb Westcott 62 pounds of hay for A-GlA
cents. A pair of shoes cost Caleb 1.75; 2 cotton shirts 1.00
and a "Jack nife" 37 cents. He also bought half a bushel of
meal, 68 cts; a bushel of potatoes, 40 cts and borrowed 1/6
pence at a cost of 25 cents. A flanel shirt cost him 25 cents,
and to wear over it a west cut for a dollar. Two hundred
"punkins" cost him $3.00, and another pair of boots (per
haps to wear Sundays) $2.50; A Box coat, 1.00; a pair of
BLOCK ISLAM) ACCOUNTS 111
trousers, 1.50; a silk handkerchief 75 cts; and one cap 3
shillings 50 cents. Sattennet cloth and a hat $4.00 seems to
ha\'e outhtted Caleb to the Queen's taste, or possibly that
of some other feniale.
Caleb's brother William bought a "goos waing" 6J/^
pounds at 5 cts pll }3 cts.
A pound of butter sold for 20 cents and 50 rails cost 4.50.
In 1 848 walling is worth 50 cents a day; a bushel of corn,
6 shillings 1 .00 and a pig $2.00. A day of mowing is worth
$4.00 while two days thrashing is worth onl\' $ 1.00.
In 1 842 half a rod of tug sells for $2.50.'
In 1849 he either bought or sold a gallon of oil and a
gallon of gin and neglected to enter the cost.
In 1 847 milk sold at 4 cents a quart.
In 1 849 he charged his cousin $3.00 for use of "my oxon
plowing four days." In the same year we find he sold a little
boat for $5.00. Three days thrashing and drilling twenty
eight inches is worth 78 cents to him, and a quintle of fish
1.50. Cheese was cheap at 38 cents for 6 pounds, but 3
pounds of sugar cost 25 cents, and 50 cents bought a gallon
of gin.
"On Satterday October the 5th D 1 844. I shiped on board
the Sloop Essex of Faal Ri\'er from fall n\'er Bound to
New York Capt Ben Smith Comander." "thursda\' October
the 21 1844 I tuck m\- discharge and frid\- No\'ember the
22 1844 I shipped on Board the Schonah Yantic Capt.
Staples Comander."
In 1851 a hoe cost 92 cents, same as "one Sith"; ( scxthe ) ;
a "pare of suspenders" 14 cts; 3 quarts of mollases and rake
were charged at 44 cents. A gallon of mollasses and a
pound of coffee 38 cents; half a pound of soda and one
head "to Backer" for 16 cents, while 3^ "to Backer" was
charged at .14 cents.
"September the 8th AD 1869 was the Day of great
calamit}' with a gale. Southeast."
"Boddy exercise prohth a little but goodliness is profH-
table unto all men."
112 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Hoyle Gravestones
The Hoyle gravestones, now in the museum of the
Rhode Island Historical Society, were presented some
years ago by Mrs. George W, Carr and her sister, the late
Mrs. Benjamin D. Weeden, descendants of Dr. Hoyle.
The inscriptions on the stones are as follows:
In Me mory o
Docter John Hoyle Gentelman o
April ^^^ 4*^ 1685 in town of Burv of Lancasle
in Oldengland Dec^. 1 7
In Memory of M""^ Deborah Wife
Doct'' John hoyle born in Boston M
ye 4th "1595 De^d December y^ 29
In Memory of M*"* Lvsm oin
Doct'' John hoyle born Melton
October y^ 1 7'"'^ 1 727 Aged 42 y
In Memory of M''^ Mary Wi
Doct'' John Hoyle born in Mo
August tlie 3ot'^' 1684 Dec^
ye Iph 1742
F Hoyle hope &
Wies lived &
John Hoyle
In Memory of Capt".
Richard Hoyle Esq'' Son
of Capt. John Hoyle & De
borah his Wife born y*^
1 pl' of March 1719, & Died
November 3^, 1752. We
John Hoyle & M''^ Mary
his Widow Believe he Liv
ed & Died in y^ Lord. We
say with Job, y^ Lord gave
& y^ Lord hath taken away
to himself. Blessed be the
Name of the Lord. Amen
NEW PUBLICATIONS 113
The coat of arms on the Hoyle stones was illustrated and
described in the Rhode Island Historical Society Collec-
//o«j, April 1928, p. 73.
New Publications of Rhode Island Interest
Roger IVilliamSy Ne'ii' England Firebrand^ by James
Ernst is a volume of 538 pages, published in September by
the Macmillan Company. Articles by Mr. Ernst on Roger
Williams have appeared in recent issues of the Rhode
Island Historical Society Collections.
Mayflo'-jcer Index, compiled by William A. McAuslan
of Providence, a work of 1250 pages, has been published in
two volumes by the General Society of Mayflower
Descendants.
An article on the Ray family of Block Island by G. A.
Moriart\-, F. S. A., appeared in the July 1932 issue of the
A^. E. li. ^ G. Register.
Old Time Nezv England for April 1932, contained an
illustrated article on the European railway carriages that
were used on the Boston and Providence Railroad from
1868 to 1878.
Genealogical and Biographical Records of Anierican
Families^ Hartford, 1932, contains articles on the Corliss
and Shefiield families.
The AV"::' E.ngland Quarterly for July 1932 contains
two articles of local interest; Wars of the Greeks at Broivn
by William T. Hastings and Letters to Dr. Cha>ining on
Slavery and the Annexation of Texas, 1837 by l^'ulmer
Mood and Granville Hicks.
Early .Inierican Textiles by Francis Little, The Century
Co., New York, 1931, contains many references to Rhode
Island and three illustrations from the museum of the
Rhode Island Historical Society.
A Century of Scholars, Rhode Island Alpha of Phi Beta
Kappa, 1830-1930, edited by William T. Hastings, is a
volume of 227 pages.
114 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Autograph Letters and Documents of George IVashing-
ton, nozv in Rhode Island CoUect'tons^ was published by
State Bureau of Information, Howard W. Preston, Direc-
tor, 171 pages, illustrated.
The Seventy-fifth Anniversary of the Peace Dale Con-
gregational Churchy 1 S57-1 'J32y by Caroline Hazard, was
issued as a pamphlet of -1-2 pages.
Two interesting and scholarly notes of great importance
to American genealogists seeking to trace "royal descents"
appear in the October 1932 issue of 7V;<? American Gene-
alogist under the title of Ro\al Ancestry and Kings of
Ireland.
New York History for October 1932 contains an article
on Elkanah Watson, A Man of Affairs.
S. E. M. in the Nezv England Quarterly for April, com-
menting on historical society activities wrote: "This last
criticism does not apply to the Rhode Island Historical
Society. They publish relatively little: but the quality of
their articles and the value of their documents may chal-
lenge comparison with those of anv historical publication
in the United States."
Seals of Rhode Island Admiralty Courts
By Frederick Bernays Wiener
During the course of an examination of the vice-
admiralty papers in the Rhode Island archives, enough im-
pressions of seals were seen so that the complete inscription
could be pieced together. It reads, "S I G:A D M I R:
PRO\TN:MASS:ET:NOV:HANT:IN:NOV:ANGL*"
MILITARY \V ARRANT OF 1778 115
Compare Einhlems of Rhode Island., p. 69. This seal was
current while the Rhode Island court was heki by a Deputy
Judge under the Judge in Boston. Whether a new seal was
cut when John Andrews was appointed Judge Commissary
for Rhode Island, in October, 1758, and the court became
independent of the one in Massachusetts, cannot be known
until and unless more papers from the later period are
found. At present only a very few have reappeared.
The state court for the tibial of maritime causes, estab-
lished in March, 1776, and reconstituted as a court of ad-
miralty with instance jurisdiction in July, 1780, seems to
have had no seal as such. The one used, probably that of
Judge John Foster, shows a lion rampant on a shield with-
out any lettering or inscription. This seal was used in 1 777
in the presence of John Foster ( Bernon Papers) but it had
previously been used in 1767 and 1772 aw bonds to Beriah
Brown ( Beriah Brown Papers in R. I. Hist. Soc. library ).
Military Warrant of 1778
From the original nia/iiiscript ozi'iied h\ Arthur H . Arnilngton
Providence 27 Jul}' 1778
Sii
You are to proceed to the widow Ruttenburgh —
to purchase all the Boards & plank you Can & if
you Cant purchase Seize all that you may hear of within
Ten miles of this Town —
By Order of Genl Sullivan Silas Talbot Major
To Capt Elijah Bacon
NB the above warrant to Remain in force for three
davs & no Longer
116 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Fort Flags
The flags flown on British forts after 1661 were Union
flags. The early pictures of New York made in 1664, 1679
and 1717 respectively, show the Union flag as the fort
flag. It is not definitely known, however, what flag was used
as the fort flag in America before 1661. Capt. John Smith
shows the St. George flag flying at St. George's, Bermuda,
in his General History written* in 1626 and printed in
1632, and on July 8, 1665, Capt. John Wentworth of Ber-
muda set up the St. George flag on the fort at New Tor-
tola. This use of the St. George flag by a Bermudian in 1 665
would seem to be due to the fact that changes occurred later
in the colonies than in England and would seem to point to
the probability that the St. George flag was often used as
the fort flag especially in the colonies before 1661.
Apparently the red ensign was used as a fort flag as well
as an infantry flag in Massachusetts Bay in 1634. In 1636 it
was suggested that the King's arms be put into the flag to be
flown at Castle Island, the fort in Boston Harbor. The idea
seems to have been to put the royal arms in the canton of
the red ensign in place of the cross which had been removed.
It is possible, of course, that the St. George flag had been
flown at Castle Island and that when the crosses were
removed from the militia ensigns, the cross was also taken
from this St. George flag, leaving a plain white flag on
which the King's arms might be placed. This new flag was
not made and for a while no flag was flown at the castle.
After the trouble over the cross-less flag in May and June,
1 636y the authorities had the King's Colors spread at Castle
Island. Colors at this time meant ensign, and the applica-
tion of the name King's Colors to the Union flag seems to
have occurred during the reign of George II upon the reor-
ganization of the army colors in 1743. On June 14, 1676,
*The plate is said to have been made in 1624.
FORT FLAGS 117
during King Philip's War, the General Assembly of Rhode
Island ordered the King's Colors to be set up at the garrison
house in Providence.
Miss Grace Macdonald of the Rhode Island State
Archives has discov^ered the following items in the State
Archives in regard to the flags used at Fort George, New-
port, R. I. These items, although referring particularly to
Rhode Island, are doubtless typical of all of the thirteen
original colonies. The prices are, of course, in the depre-
ciated paper currencv of the times.
H. M. C.
I
"Fort George, Dr. to John Brown, Feb. 16, 1736/7.
To 393/> yds of find Scarlet buntin d/ £11:17
To 1 90 y2 yds of blue & white buntin d 4/6 24:12.9
£36:9.9"
II
"V^oted and resolved that the Account of John Brown
amounting to Twenty nine Pounds seventeen Shillings &
nine pence for a new Pendant and other necessaries supplied
Fort George be allowed and paid out of the General Treas-
ury." (R. I. Col. Rec. 1729-1 745, p. 506.)
Ill
"Fort George, Dr.
1739 Oct- 12.
To 58 Cordage at 20^^
To Line 8 6 4 scanes Hous. at 2/
Nfiv'' ^'^ Tfi n T inp
£4.16.8
16.6
7
To a Flagg 120>'^^ at 4/6
To making Oznabrigg &c
To a Pendant 40>'^'
" making &c
- 27.
2.18.
10. 6.
£45.19.2
Newport Dec'- 1 739 Except Errors
Sam Vernon"
118 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
IV
"Colony of Rhode Island for Fort George
to Weeden & Bennett
1750
July 4 To 79^4 yd of Bunting (« 14s £ 55- 9-6
To 47 yd'ditto (r/ 12s 28-4-0
To thread & oznebrigs 1 : 10:0
To Making a Flagg 10: 0:0
£95: 3:6
Newport Sept. 6, 1750"
V
"Colony of Rhode Island to Weeden 1^ Bennett, Dr.
1752 ) To Bunting & making a pend- £28.2
October 3 f ant for Fort George - - -
1 753 To Ditto 6. making a Flagg 87. 1 3-
Mav 2 for Ditto
£ 115.15-"
VI
"Colony of Rhode Island to Weeden &. Bennett
1754
May 23 To bunting & making a pendant
for Fort George £ 34: 6"
VII
It appears that the flags and pendants flown at Fort
George did not last very long and often had to be renewed.
At a Council of War held at Newport in 1757 it was
"farther voted & ordered that a White Flag with the Union
described in the Canton at the Upper Corner thereof near
the Staff be procured for the Ward Houses And that when
Three large Ships or Five Top-Sail vessels shall be per-
FORT KI.ACS 119
ceived from s^* House approaching the Harbour the said
White Flag shall be hoisted as a Signal to the Fort." This
Item shows the use of the white ensign, ( which at this time
was sometimes called the St. George Flag* ) as a signal flag
in Rhode Island.
VIII
"Co]on\- of Rhode Island to Job Bennett Jr. Dr.
1 762 To Bunting & making a Pendant) ^
Aug. 6 for Fort George Deld Capt. Read | ^^'^^
IX
"Colony of Rhode Island to Job Bennett
1 768 Juh- 8 For a Pendant 1 7 yds long & 2 yds
wide for Fort George £5_8_io"
X
"Colony of Rhode Island to Job Benjiett
1 770 June 4 To Bunting and making an union
for the Pendant at Fort George
and mending the same i_9_i.i^
July 20 To 953X yd Bunting (ry 16 7-3-3
3^ ounces thread 35 ''
line 35 Tow Cloth 75/ 0-5-0^^4
making a Flag for Fort George 0-15-0
9-12-5>-^
17 Sept. 1770"
*Not to be confused with the flag having a red cross and white field
which w-as called the St. George flag in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries.
120 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
XI
"1772 May 13 Colony of Rhode Island to Job
Bennett Dr.
To Bunting thread oznebrigs and
making a pendant for Fort George
2 yds wide & 1 7^ yds long.
Delivered the Gunner £3:18:7"
XII
"Colony of Rhode Island to Job Bennett for Fort
George
1772 Oct. 21 to 86K' yd Bunting (r/ 1/6 £6- 9-9
to thread Ficklingburg a line
and making a Union Plagg 19-9
£7- 9-6
1772 Oct. 30"
XIII
"Colony of Rhode Island to job Bennett
1774 '
Oct. 20 to 44^ yd of Bunting (a 1/6 3- 6-9
to thread & Fublingburgh 1-6
to makeing a pendant for Fort
George 2 1 yd. long & 2 yds wide
with a Union at the head 8-0
£3-16-3
May 2, 1775"
121
The Minutes of the Westconnaug Purchase'
Tnniscyihed by Theodore G. Foster
Asscjciation for Purchasing Westquanaug
June the 8"' 1678. WE whose Names are hereto sub-
scribed being all all and every of us jointly concerned in
Purchases of Land called Westquanaug" bounding upon the
West Line of Providence — one of which said Purchases
was made and purchased by M'^' William Vaughn late de-
ceased his Friends and Associates — other by Mr. Zachariah
Rhoods and Mr. Robert W^estcoat — The Deeds of Sale or
Sales thereof bearing Date May the 8*'' 1662 and Septem-
ber 23*' 1 662 &c as appears by Articles of Agreement made
^The Minutes of the Association for purchasing Westquanaug are
copied from a 650-page letter book of Theodore Foster. The volume
consists mostly of copies of letters written by him and received by him.
However, interspersed throughout the whole volume are copies of Bible
records, genealogical sketches of various families and notes on historical
matters.
Mr. Foster's handwriting, at times hurried and indistinct, makes the
task of transcribing sixteen pages (8 x 12) of closely written words and
lines a real undertaking, and to make the task the greater, the volume has
been misused and has at some time in the past been used for a plant press
by some youthful botanist.
The volume was brought to Michigan in 1863 by his son, Theodore
Raepth Foster, who resided in Lansing, Michigan. Incidentally all
printed mention of Theodore R. Foster and Maxwell S. Foster in geneal-
ogies refer to them as Theodore Foster and Maxwell S. or Maxwell
Steward Foster, whereas in the letter book are copies of letters written by
Theodore to his own relatives stating how and why he named them
Theodore Raepth and Maxwell Stewardelphomb.
Theodore G. Foster
"Westquanaug, now usually spelled Westconnaug, was a tract of land
comprising nearly the southern half of the present town of Foster and
that part of the town of Scituate which lies south of the north branch of
the Pawtuxet River. The north line of the Westconnaug Purchase is
shown on a map of Foster drawn bv Theodore Foster in 1 799 and on file
in the R. I. H. S. Manuscripts, \"o'l. \'I1, No. 1409.
122 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
and Signed by the Persons" therein concernd Datd Septem""-
the 29*''' 1 662 DO by these Presents oblige and engage our-
selves in the said Articles following /viz/ First it is ordered
and jointly agreed on by in that John Fones shall be Clerk
to the Company — Secondly it is orderd and jointly agreed
on by the said Company that Mr. Caleb Carr Mr. Jeremiah
Clark Mr. Hugh Mosher and John Phones are authorised
and by these Presnts We do give unto them full Power and
Authority to and in our Behalf for the maintaining justify-
ing and defending our just Rights and Property in our
aforesaid Purchases above premisd and call to an Account
any Person or Persons that are concernd in the aforesaid
Purchase of what Monies is due from them to the Company
and also to deal with Samuel Reape about a Deed of Sale
which he doth obstinately detain in his Hands belonging
to the Company: and to all Matters relating to the Propa-
gation and Vendication of our aforesaid Purchases &c —
Thirdly It is ordered that the Deed of Sale baring Date
May the 8''' 1 662 with a Writing of Articles & other Papers
to the Number of Thirteen shall be left in the Hands &
Custody of Mr. Caleb Carr until the Company sees Cause
to demand them or otherwise to dispose of them — •F'ourthly
It is agreed on jointly amongst us that Mr. Caleb Carr
Senior shall have an equal Share in the Purchase above
specified without any Referrence to a Share belonging to
his Wifes First Husband*
Fifthly It is agreed upon that William Foster is accepted
of by the Company in the Room and by the consent of Capt
Richard Morris
Sixthly Emanuel Case appearing in Behalf of those which
are concerned in that Share of Land in the aforesaid Pur-
chase which did belong to his Father doth Engage as the
■'Moosup, otherwise known as Pcssacus and Quissucquansh, was the
Indian sachem who sold the land according to the Petition of 1711.
(See note 13.)
■'John Pinner. Sarah, the daughter of |erem\' Clarke, married first
John Pinner and secondly Caleb Carr. (Austin p. +5.)
WESTCOXXAUC, PURCHASK 123
Rest of the Company doth and is accepted of by the
Company
Seventhly It is orderd and jointly agreed on that John
Fones is accepted of to have that Share of Land which did
belong to Mr. Nathaniel Johnson which he bought of
Mr. Abell
Eightly It is orderd and agreed on that Weston Clarke and
John Crandal" shall each of them have a Share of I>and in
the aforesaid Purchase.
Andrew Langxvorth}" for Thomas Clark [ohn Cranston
Thomas Dring William Foster Caleb Carr
Weston Clarke Hugh Mosher for Clement Weaver
Hugh Mosher for his Son Aaron Da\'is Thomas
John Mosher |ohn Fones Hugh Mosher
Latham Clarke Shubal Paynter
James . . Clement Weaxer fn''
Whereas WK Caleb Carr Jeremiah Clarke Hugh
Mosher and John Fones being deputed and chosen by the
Major Part of the Company concerneci in purchasing Land
called by the Name of Westc^uanauge to act and order all
Matters relating to the Propagation of the aforesaid Pur-
chases as appears bv Articles under their Hancis made the
8**' of June 1678
WE being met together this 1 2"' of June 1 678 DO order
and Declare as followeth- — -First it is orderd by the Major
Part of us that Mr. Caleb Carr shall be the Treasurer to
the Compaiu'
Secondh' It is orderd that all persons that are concernd
in the said Purchases and have not paid the full of the
First Payment for their Part of said Purchase shall within
Twent}' Dav's after the Date hereof bring in his or their
full Pa\ment of what is due unto the Treasurer otherwise
shall forfeit his whole Right in said Purchase to the Rest
of the Company- . . The First Payment is £ 4 . . 0 . . 0 in
country Pa\-
•''John Crandall sold part or all of his share to George Lawton on
December ! 2, 1682. (R. I. Land Fv. IH, 224)
124 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Thirdly It is orderd that M''- Caleb Carr and John Fones
are authorised to go and treat with Samuel Reape about a
Deed of Sale he hath in his Custody belonging to the
Company
Fourthly It is orderd that there shall be Notice Given
unto all Persons concernd in the aforesaid Purchases to
appear before us to give a due and just Account of what
Money they have paid or disbursed upon account of the
said Purchases within Twenty Days after the the Date
hereof
Fifthly It is ordered that the Companv shall meet the
22'^- of This Instant at the House of NF' Caleb Carr . . . The
above written order made by Us June 1 2^''' and Signd
p'' John Phones Clerk to the Company
Rec'' by M'' Caleb Carr Treasurer of Lawrence Springer
upon the Account of his Share in the Purchase of West-
quanaug 27 lb of Sheeps Wool . . .
Rec''' of Philip Tabor Thirteen Shillings in Money upon
the Account of his Share of Westquanaug
Rec''' of Shuball Paynter for the Account of a Share of
Land of Westquanaug the Sum of Three Pounds in Money
and if he proves the Purchase already paid before that then
he is to have his Money again
At a Meeting of the Trustees with some others of the
Company concerned in Purchase of Westquanaug Do order
and Declare as followeth That w^hereas there was an order
made the 12'''' of this Instant That all persons concernd in
the aforesaid Purchases should within Twenty Days bring
his or their full Payment of what is due to the Company
upon account of their Shares in the said Purchase and there
being Several Persons that Do live Remote and as We Sup-
pose have not had Twenty Notice to provide for the Per-
formance thereof WE therefore see cause to defer the
VVKSTCONXAl'G PURCHASE 125
Time before prefixed and give Liberty for bringing in the
said Payments until the last Day of October next ensuing
the Date hereof . . . Orderd as aforesaid this 22''' of
June 1678
Signd per Order John Fones Clerk
At a Meeting oi the Trustees before iu)minated the 1 9*'''
of Deceniber 1679 It is orcierd that all Persons concernd
in the aforesaid Purchase shall ha\'e Timely Notice given
to each of them to bring in a Just account unto the Treasurer
of what Charge and Money they have expendd or paid for
their Shares or part in the aforesaid Purchase and to make
full Payment for their aforesaid Shares or Part with what
hath been already paid as niay appear by their Accounts at
or before the First Day of March next ensuing the Date
hereof that is to pa\' i' -I- . . 0 . . 0 in Current Pa\'
It is also ordered that any Person or Persons that are to
have propriet)' in the aforesaid Purchase and have not paid
any of the Sum above mentiond for their shares in the
aforesaid Purchase viz £ 4 . . 0 . . 0 current Pay shall take
care to pay or cause to be paid unto the Treasurer before
nominated the full Sum before mentiond at or before the
First of March as aforesaid or otherwise upon Neglect
thereof shall forfeit his or their whole Right and Propriety
in the aforesaid Purchase
pr Order John Fones Clerk
These may Certify whom it may concern that We John
Stanton and John Coggeshall of Rhode Island Do resign
any Right or Title that we have had to a Purchase of Land
calld Westquanaug to the Purchase of said Tract a Witness
our Hand this 27*'^- of Septembr 1682
John Coggeshall John Stanton
It is ordered that Weston Clark is received in as a Pur-
chaser upon one of the Shares that is thrown up the 27*'''
of September 1682
126 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The Company of Purchasers of the Land of Westquanauge D""-
To John Fones
April the 16''^ 1683 To going to make the Agreement be-
tween Pawtuxet Men and said Compan\ . . Five Dav . . £0 . . 6 . . 0
March the 16*'^ 1684/5 To going to Pawtuxet to meet the
Rest of the Trustees to consider
advise and determine about Settling
the Land Five Days ... " 0 . . 6 . . 0
April 16 168 5 To going to Warwick to meet the
Trustees Five Days ... 0 . . 6 . . 0
To Fxpenses there 2*^'- 6'^'- (J . . 2 . . 6
April 20 168 5 To going to Squomakuck to treat with
the Indian Queen"" and her Hus-
band and others about the Purchases
Four days with m\' Fxpenses on that
journev 0 . 1 + . . 6
To 4 Yards of Duffil given per Order
of the Trustees to the Indian Queen
and her Husband 20/ 1 . . 0 . . 0
Sup Contra Credit
1683 April 17"'- By Money rec^ of Weston Clark which was paid by
the Treasurer M''- Caleb Carr April 23''- 16S5.
By 12^'- Money Rec^l- of Major Greene 6:
\V' |ohn Whipple
At a Meeting of the Proprietors of Westquanauge' ' ' con-
vened at the House of M'' Joseph Smith of Kinstovvn in the
Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantation the
2 ()'''• of February 1706 7
r' \'oted and orderd That Simon Smith shall be Clerk of
the Company
"Weunquesh. See R. I. H. S. Coll. Oct. 1931, XXIV, 1 59.
'On Ma}' 6, 1702 The General Assembly of Rhode Island authorized
the creation of Westconnaug as a township.
An Act in answer to the petition of sundrv persons respecting the pur-
chase of Wesquanage.
Be it enacted by the authority' aforesaid, That alwavs provided the said
purchase of Wesquanage doth not entrench upon the township of Provi-
dence, Warwick, Greenwich, Kingstown and Westerh'; and that it be a
competenc}' for the setting a tcjwnship, that then the\" shall b\" virtue
hereof, have full power or libertv to settle a township on their own
rights aforesaid. (R. I. Col. Rec, printed, III, 446.)
9<I
WESTCOXNAUG PURCHASE 127
\^ned and orderd That M'- John Rhodes M'- Malichi
Rhodes M'- Peleg Rhodes M""- Benjamin Carpenter
and Simon Smith are taken in Equal Partners — as also
M'- Nathaniel Waterman and M'- Thomas Field to be
equal Partners with the Rest of the Proprietors of
Westquanaug
Voted and agreed upon That all the Partners both those
that are now taken in and those that were in before shall
be at e(]ual charges to maintain and vindicate the Right
of the Tand of Westquanaug and to stand by and assest
each other in the Premises and whosoe\'er shall be re-
miss of the said Partnership or shall neglect to pay his
Equal Part in paying and defraying the Charges that
may accrue concerning the said Premises He shall for-
feit his part in said Lands to the Rest of the Partners
That no one of the Company shall sell or (Otherwise
convev- his part or any Parcel thereof to any person that
IS not priviledged in the said Land until such Time as
the said Tract of Land is divided and if any shall not
withstanding this Agreement sell their Right to any not
of the Company Then the said Part\- so doing shall
forfeit all his Right and Priviliges in the said Land to
the Rest of the Company and lose all his Charges
always provided that those that ha\e con\'e\ed before
this Time shall not be included or i}idenniified any
thing before written not withstanding
It is agreed that there shall be one of the Ct)mpan\-
chosen to be Treasurer for the Conipany who is to ex-
pend and pay all reasonable Charges that shall arise
concerning the Management of said affairs and that
e\'ery Person who has a whole Right shall pay to the
Treasurer hereafter named Twenty Shillings a piece
and those that have less than a whole Right to pay
according to their Proportions after the Same Rate as
aforesaid to be paid to said Treasurer by the last of
March next ensuing and We do hereby- appoint M'-
John R hoods to be to be the Treasurer to order said
Affan"s
128 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
5'*' It is agreed upon that there shall be Six of the Company
chosen as Trustees to oversee and menage the said Con-
cern in Behalf of the Rest of the Company who shall
have Power or any four of them agreeing to meet and
order Matters and if they think best for the interest of
the Company to call the whole Company together upon
any emergent occasion of which Trustees there are to be
Three on the Island and Three on the Main and the
Persons appointed are the Honourable Governor Sam-
uel Cranston M'- Weston Clark and M'- Robert Gard-
ner on the Island and M"' John Rhodes M'- Richard
Greene and Simon Smith on the Main
6th That that the said Trustees shall meet on the last Day
of March next in order to appoint a Surveyor or Sur-
veyors to lay out said Land and that the said Trustees
shall be paid by the said Treasurer for all their reason-
able charges and Time whilest about said Affair and
what Money shall be paid by his Partners shall be
deposited and laid up by said Treasurer and expendd
out to defray all Charges as the said Trustees shall order
and that the said Trustees or any four of them shall
have full Power to examine and look into all Matters
that have been transacted heretofor in said Concern and
also to have as full Power to act and do all Manner of
Things relating to said Affairs as if the whole Company
had done the same
John Rhodes in his own Behalf and for Malichv Rhodes
Simon Smith Samuel Cranston
Benjamin Carpenter Weston Clark
Peleg Rhodes Robert Gardner
Andrew Harris Nicholas Carr
Israel Arnold 1 WE the above Subscribers Do also
Elisha Arnold -For one Right Sign on Behalf of
Stephen ArnoldJ Jeremiah Clark
John Fones Hugh Mosher
William Fobes & [_ p. , Clement Weaver Sen"'-
John Pebody [ '^ Clement Weaver Jun'-
fohn Rogers William Vaughn
Richard Greene
(To be co/itinued)
\
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